An analysis of the ideas and doctrines of Turkish nationalist writers in the closing decades of the Ottoman period. This book argues that such ideas played an important role in the formation of modern Turkish nationalism.
Arabs and Young Turks provides a detailed study of Arab politics in the late Ottoman Empire as viewed from the imperial capital in Istanbul. In an analytical narrative of the Young Turk period (1908-1918) historian Hasan Kayali discusses Arab concerns on the one hand and the policies of the Ottoman government toward the Arabs on the other. Kayali's novel use of documents from the Ottoman archives, as well as Arabic sources and Western and Central European documents, enables him to reassess conventional wisdom on this complex subject and to present an original appraisal of proto-nationalist ideologies as the longest-living Middle Eastern dynasty headed for collapse. He demonstrates the persistence and resilience of the supranational ideology of Islamism which overshadowed Arab and Turkish ethnic nationalism in this crucial transition period. Kayali's study reaches back to the nineteenth century and highlights both continuity and change in Arab-Turkish relations from the reign of Abdulhamid II to the constitutional period ushered in by the revolution of 1908. Arabs and Young Turks is essential for an understanding of contemporary issues such as Islamist politics and the continuing crises of nationalism in the Middle East.
The Ottoman Press (1908-1923) looks at Ottoman periodicals in the period after the Second Constitutional Revolution (1908) and the formation of the Turkish Republic (1923). It analyses the increased activity in the press following the revolution, legislation that was put in place to control the press, the financial aspects of running a publication, preventive censorship and the impact that the press could have on readers. There is also a chapter on the emergence and growth of the Ottoman press from 1831 until 1908, which helps readers to contextualize the post-revolution press.
Ethnos and citizens : versions of cultural-political construction of identity -- Reconciliation of the spirits and fusion of the interests : "Ottomanism" as an identity politics / Alexander Vezenkov -- The people incorporated : constructions of the nation in transylvanian romanian liberalism, 1838-1848 / Kinga-Koretta Sata -- We, the Macedonians : the paths of macedonian supra-nationalism (1878-1912) / Tchavdar Marinov -- History and character : visions of national peculiarity in the romanian political discourse of the nineteenth-century / Balázs Trencsényi -- Nationalization of sciences and the definitions of the folk -- Barbarians, civilized people and Bulgarians : definition of identity in textbooks and the press (1830-1878) / Dessislava Lilova -- Narrating "the people" and "disciplining" the folk : the constitution of the Hungarian ethnographic discipline and the touristic movements (1870-1900) / Levente T. Szabó -- Who are the bulgarians? : "race," science and politics in fin-de-siècle Bulgaria / Stefan Detchev -- The canon-builders -- Jovan Jovanovic Zmaj and the Serbian identity between poetry and history / Bojan Aleksov -- Faik Konitza, the modernizer of the Albanian language and nation / Artan Puto -- Shemseddin Sami Frashëri (1850-1904) : contributing to the construction of albanian and turkish identities / Bülent Bilmez
Notwithstanding the advantages of physical power, the struggle for survival among societies is not merely a matter of serial armed clashes but of the nation's spiritual resources that in the end always decide upon the victory. In Europe, there indeed exist independent countries, insignificant from the point of view of the entire civilization, and born by sheer coincidence, yet, this coincidence, this fancy, or diplomatic ploy that created them can just as easily bring them to an end---the nations that count in the political calculations are only the enlightened ones. Therefore, our nation should not merely grow in power, strengthen its character, and foster in people the feeling of love for homeland, but also---inasmuch as it is possible---breath the fresh breeze of humanity's general progress, feed it to the nation, absorb its creative energy. Until now, we have trusted and lived only in the weary conditions, conditions devoid of health-giving elements---now, as a result the nation's heart beats too slowly and its mind works too tediously. We ought to open our windows to Europe, to the wind of continental change and allow it to air our sultry home, since as not all health comes from the inside, not all disease comes from the outside.
This book provides a comprehensive evaluation of the impact of improving EU-Turkey relations on Turkish political culture. It also comprises a succinct overview of Turkey's most reaching reform process since Ataturk.
Amongst the products of the French Revolution, the idea of nation exerted the deepest influence on the East. In the Ottoman Empire, the concept bore a fresh idea of an Ottoman nation even though the term Ottoman in itself comprised many ethnic groups. Alongside Ottoman nationalism, Turkish nationalism arose in the latter half of the nineteenth century; it became predominant in the Young Turk era. Organizers of Turkish nationalism were scattered not only in the Ottoman Empire but also in Russia. This book analyzes such complicated aspects of the development of nationalism in the Young Turk era with careful attention to both specific and general problems. The author has chosen four leading nationalist periodicals as a clue for settling the issue. He has thereby demonstrated that these periodicals are very useful for history and political science studies as well as for that of literature. In addition, a table of contents of the periodicals dealt with in the text has been added as an appendix, which should be of considerable benefit to concerned scholars and students.
This book argues that the periodic ceremonial intrusion into the everyday lives of people across the Ottoman Empire, which the annual royal birthday and accession-day celebrations constituted, had multiple, far-reaching and largely unexplored consequences. On the one hand, it brought ordinary subjects into symbolic contact with the monarch and forged lasting vertical ties of loyalty to him, irrespective of language, location, creed or class. On the other hand, the rounds of royal celebration played a key role in the creation of new types of horizontal ties and ethnic group consciousness that crystallized into national movements and, after the empire's demise, national monarchies.
For the first time, the continuity of Ottoman culture in contemporary Turkey is discussed, by a group of well-known scholars of Ottoman-Turkish history and society. The insightful essays provide not only original knowledge, but also new interpretations concerning ethnicity and state involvement in identity creation.
Taner Akçam is one of the first Turkish academics to acknowledge and discuss openly the Armenian Genocide perpetrated by the Ottoman-Turkish government in 1915. This book discusses western political policies towards the region generally, and represents the first serious scholarly attempt to understand the Genocide from a perpetrator rather than victim perspective, and to contextualize those events within Turkey's political history. By refusing to acknowledge the fact of genocide, successive Turkish governments not only perpetuate massive historical injustice, but also pose a fundamental obstacle to Turkey's democratization today.