This title is part of UC Press's Voices Revived program, which commemorates University of California Press’s mission to seek out and cultivate the brightest minds and give them voice, reach, and impact. Drawing on a backlist dating to 1893, Voices Revived makes high-quality, peer-reviewed scholarship accessible once again using print-on-demand technology. This title was originally published in 1993.
The last century of the Roman Republic saw the consensus of the ruling elite shattered by a series of high-profile politicians who proposed political or social reform programs, many of which culminated in acts of bloodshed on the streets of Rome itself. This began in 133 BC with the military recruitment reforms of Tiberius Gracchus, which saw him and his supporters lynched by a mob of angry Senators. He was followed by a series of radical politicians, each with their own agenda that challenged the status quo of the Senatorial elite. Each met a violent response from elements of the ruling order, leading to murder and even battles on the streets of Rome. These bloody political clashes paralyzed the Roman state, eventually leading to its collapse. Covering the period 133 - 70 BC, this volume analyzes each of the key reformers, what they were trying to achieve and how they met their end, narrating the long decline of the Roman Republic into anarchy and civil war.
Gaius Marius (157-86B) was one of the most innovative and influential commanders of antiquity. With Marius in command of its legions, Rome prevailed on the battlefields of North Africa and defeated a two-pronged invasion of the Italian peninsula by 300,000 migrating Germanic tribesmen. The reason for this success was a series of five ground-breaking reforms through which Marius dramatically altered the demographics, recruitment, training and operation of the Roman army. In effect, Marius’ reforms changed the Roman military from a service of short-term militia into a professional standing army. This allowed Rome to use the military as an effective tool for military expansion and internal security and laid the foundations for the role of the Roman army for centuries to come. Many of these reforms, however, came at a cost to the stability of the state. This book charts the military implications of Marius’ reforms: what they were, why they were made, how they were made, and how they altered the functionality of the Roman military.
Rome after Sulla offers a new perspective on the damaged, volatile, and conflictual political culture of the late Roman republic. The book begins with a narrative of the years immediately following the dictatorship of Sulla (80-77 BC), providing both a new reconstruction of events and original analysis of key sources including Cicero's pro Roscio, Appian, the Livian tradition, and Sallust's Historiae. Arguing that Sulla's settlement was never stable, Rome after Sulla emphasises the uncertainty and fear felt by contemporaries and the problems caused in Rome by consciousness of the injustices of the Sullan settlement and its lack of moral legitimacy. The book argues that the events and the unresolved traumas of the first civil war of the Roman republic triggered profound changes in Roman political culture, to which Sallust's magnum opus, his now-fragmentary Historiae, is our best guide. An in-depth exploration of a new, more Sallust-centred vision of the late republic contributes to the historical picture not only of the legacy of Sulla, but also of Caesar and of Rome's move from republic to autocratic rule. The book studies a society grappling with a question broader than its own times: what is the price of stability?
*Includes pictures According to tradition, the Roman Republic came into being in 509 B.C. following the overthrow of the monarchy, and it ended in 27 B.C. when Augustus became the first emperor. During this period of nearly 500 years, Rome grew from a relatively small Italian city to a superpower that dominated the entire Mediterranean world, but the Roman Republic was characterized by an interminable internal power struggle between the aristocratic and populist factions (the Optimates and Populares) for control of the state and the distribution of its wealth. The changes brought about by the Gracchi Brothers, in particular during the 2nd century B.C., was part of a campaign to wrest power from the aristocratic party, the Optimates, and they would prove pivotal in preparing the way for Rome's ultimate transition into an Imperialist government. Despite the fact that they belonged to the upper class, the Gracchi brothers were the first to actively champion the interests of the poor in Roman politics, and in doing so, they created a new partisan divide in the government, which separated politicians into two factions: those who appealed to the rights of the common people (the Populares), and those who believed that power should reside firmly in the hands of the aristocracy (the Optimates). The office of tribune, in particular, came to be used by Populares who used their influence with the people to pass similar reforms relating to land ownership and the rights of citizens, building their political platforms on the premise of giving more power to the people. The tribune of the plebs was an annually elected representative overseeing the plebeian assembly, one of the three popular assemblies in the Roman government with the power to vote on certain types of legislation. The 10 plebeian tribunes crucially held the power of veto, even over decrees passed by the consul, and they could use it to block any measures going against the interests of their supporters in the assembly: the common people. Therefore, the tribunate became an important political mechanism used by the Populares to push through social reforms. They did this not out of a selfless desire to give more power to the Roman people, but because they saw the potential in using the support of the masses to advance their political careers. The wealthy Optimates - of whom Sulla was one - continued attempting to block these populist movements, and the resulting political tension between these two parties later played a major role in the outbreak of Rome's first civil war in 88 B.C. As leaders of the Populares, the Gracchi brothers would have never advocated a monarchical political system themselves, but their role in Rome's political history was to lay the foundations that led to the rise of Caesar and Augustus. That part has to be analyzed in the context of a republic that had moved away from its earliest manifestation and which had lost much of the idealism of the immediate post-monarchical era in which the basis of the constitution had been laid down, and which continued to be fought over throughout the Republican Period. The Gracchi brothers were arguably the first to systematically rouse the Roman mob to violence, using their leadership of the Populares to try to achieve their political purposes. Once that particular genie had been let out of the bottle, it could never be put back in, and the brothers were largely responsible for changes to a system based on party politics as opposed to traditional allegiances to particular families. While the experiences of the Gracchi brothers showed that the use of the mob was useful in the short term, by their actions, they also inadvertently confirmed that the tribunate power each brother individually held was in and of itself insufficient to sustain a radical agenda without military power. That was the critical lesson learned by those who came after them.
