Policy analysts and scholars in China, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and the United States discuss the major issues arising in the aftermath of the explosive events in China in 1989. Contributors include Arthur Hummel, the former U.S. ambassador to the People's Republic of China, and Ding Mou-Shih, the representative of the Coordination Council for North American Affairs to the United States.
The new, fully updated second edition of The New Global Politics of the Asia Pacific builds on its coherent framework for understanding the complex international and global politics of the Asia Pacific. The textbook provides an introductory guide for the main frameworks needed to understand the region (realism, liberalism, critical theory), which is reader-friendly while still offering sophisticated competing interpretations. Key content includes: the US in the Asia Pacific; China and Japan in the Asia Pacific; Southeast Asia in the Asia Pacific; India in the Asia Pacific; Russia in the Asia Pacific; Australia in the Asia Pacific; Europe in the Asia Pacific; globalization, regionalism and political economy; Asian values, democracy and human rights; transnational actors; region security order and the impact of terrorism on the region. A highly topical account, which provides an overview of the main actors, institutions and contemporary issues such as security, terrorism and transnational actors, the book is required reading for undergraduate students of Asian studies, international politics, and anyone interested in the region.
From Deterrence to Engagement provides a comprehensive examination of the U.S.-South Korea defense relationship from 1945 to the present. Using deterrence theory as its framework, this work explores the evolving nature of U.S. interests in a region that became a focal point only after the North Korean invasion in 1950. Author Terence Roehrig addresses the changing nature of the threats to U.S. interests in Korea, especially North Korea's buildup and its efforts to acquire nuclear weapons, and examines specific measures utilized by the United States to implement its deterrence policy. While U.S. policy regarding Korea has changed over the years, this timely and important work argues that although the U.S. commitment to protect its ally has been credible and effective the same cannot be said for its attempts to prevent North Korean nuclear proliferation. From Deterrence to Engagement is certain to find an audience amongst scholars of defense policy, national security, and Korean security relations.
The Asia-Pacific region presents a challenge to international security in the post-Cold War era. Doubts as to the US' military commitment, concern with Japan's security aspirations, build-up of military capabilities and the nuclear ambitions of North Korea have further heightened tension.
This book examines the strategic interactions among China, the United States, Japan, and Southeast Asian States in the context of China’s rise and globalization after the cold war. Engaging the mainstream theoretical debates in international relations, the author introduces a new theoretical framework—institutional realism—to explain the institutionalization of world politics in the Asia-Pacific after the cold war. Institutional realism suggests that deepening economic interdependence creates a condition under which states are more likely to conduct a new balancing strategy—institutional balancing, i.e., countering pressures or threats through initiating, utilizing, and dominating multilateral institutions—to pursue security under anarchy. To test the validity of institutional realism, Kai He examines the foreign policies of the U.S., Japan, the ASEAN states, and China toward four major multilateral institutions, Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Regional Forum (ARF), ASEAN Plus Three (APT), and East Asian Summit (EAS). Challenging the popular pessimistic view regarding China’s rise, the book concludes that economic interdependence and structural constraints may well soften the "dragon’s teeth." China’s rise does not mean a dark future for the region. Institutional Balancing in the Asia Pacificwill be of great interest to policy makers and scholars of Asian security, international relations, Chinese foreign policy, and U.S. foreign policy.
A uniquely comprehensive overview of a fascinating and rapidly changing country, dealing with the politics, economics, society and foreign policy of Vietnam from the Doi Moi reforms of market socialism in 1986 to the present day. Drawing on fieldwork and analysis by an international team of specialists this book covers all aspects of contemporary Vietnam including recent history, the political economy, the reform process, education, health, labour market, foreign direct investment and foreign policy. The contributors show how the blurring of old and new pressures and traditions within Vietnam requires a more complex analysis of the country than might initially be assumed.
This paper predicts an alternate scenario to Korean reunification to those currently being discussed in and out of South Korea. Much of what has been written discusses the demise of the present North Korean government along a spectrum of turbulence, from gradual decay to violent implosion. The predicted results also vary from peaceful absorption by the South Korean government to a 'war of desperation' scenario precipitated by the decaying Northern regime in a last ditch effort to retain power. This paper explores a scenario where the two Koreas end up as secondary players in the future of the Korean peninsula. The primary regional actor to emerge will be China. As the ascendant regional power, China will shape events on the Korean Peninsula to fit its own future vision of Northeast Asia. It is further proposed that this Chinese vision will seek to maintain the peaceful division of North and South Korea in the short term (10 to 20 years) following the demise of the present North Korean government. China is seen, in this scenario, as moving unilaterally, on the basis of long-standing agreements with North Korea, into North Korea as the government implodes. It is in the Chinese interest to prevent the uncontrolled rise of a new, potentially powerful reunified Korean regional competitor. Additionally, China will seek to minimize United States' influence in the region, For obvious historical, military and economic reasons, the Japanese desire to maintain the geopolitical and economic status quo will cause them to play a supporting role in the Chinese effort. This move, together with its predictable control of the Spratly Islands oil and natural gas reserves, an already powerful military, and rapidly growing economy, will put China in a position to much more effectively influence the future of the region.