Scottish Nationalism and the Idea of Europe offers fresh insights into the 'pro-European' dimension of Scottish nationalism and its implications for the UK.
The rise and spectacular growth of Nationalist movements in Scotland and Wales has transformed the British political scene. Hanham's lively, sympathetic and very well informed account of Scottish Nationalism could hardly be more timely.
Scotland and Nationalism provides an authoritative survey of Scottish social and political history from 1707 to the present day. Focusing on political nationalism in Scotland, Christopher Harvie examines why this nationalism remained apparently in abeyance for two and a half centuries, and why it became so relevant in the second half of the twentieth century. This fourth edition brings the story and historiography of Scottish society and politics up-to-date. Additions also include a brand new biographical index of key personalities, along with a glossary of nationalist groups.
Is the 'United' Kingdom really as united as its name suggests? For many people in the UK, increasing nationalism in Scotland has come as rather a shock, raising questions about what Britain is, and where its future lies. In "The Road to Independence? Scotland since the Sixties", Murray Pittock not only gives an account of modern Scottish nationalism, but also explains what Scotland's role in Britain has been historically, and why it has changed radically in the last fifty years where the debate about independence has come to the fore. The author relates the economic, social and cultural history of Scotland, the rise of modern Scottish nationalism and the reasons for it, the recent history and differing character of Scotland's cities and cultural industries, the impact of multiculturalism on Scottish as distinct from British society, and the changes wrought by devolution, including the reasons for the election of Scotland's first-ever nationalist government in 2007. "The Road to Independence?" is the only history of Scotland available with a truly contemporary focus. In dealing with everything from modern painting to political structures it is remarkably comprehensive; in explaining the rise of modern nationalism it is of great importance to policy-makers and the wider public. It will be of interest to students of politics, history, law and social science, and to all who want to understand the rapidly changing face of Britain
The Scottish nationalists seek to end the United Kingdom after 300 years of a successful union. Their drive for an independent Scotland is now nearer to success than it has ever been. Success would mean a diminished Britain and a perilously insecure Scotland. The nationalists have represented the three centuries of union with England as a malign and damaging association for Scotland. The European Union is held out as an alternative and a safeguard for Scotland's future. But the siren call of secession would lure Scotland into a state of radical instability, disrupting ties of work, commerce and kinship and impoverishing the economy. All this with no guarantee of growth in an EU now struggling with a downturn in most of its states and the increasing disaffection of many of its members. In this incisive and controversial book, journalist John Lloyd cuts through the rhetoric to show that the economic plans of the Scottish National Party are deeply unrealistic; the loss of a subsidy of as much as £10 billion a year from the Treasury would mean large-scale cuts, much deeper than those effected by Westminster; the broadly equal provision of health, social services, education and pensions across the UK would cease, leaving Scotland with the need to recreate many of these systems on its own; and the claim that Scotland would join the most successful of the world's small states - as Denmark, New Zealand and Norway - is no more than an aspiration with little prospect of success. The alternative to independence is clear: a strong devolution settlement and a joint reform of the British union to modernise the UK's age-old structures, reduce the centralisation of power and boost the ability of all Britain's nations and regions to support and unleash their creative and productive potential. Scotland has remained a nation in union with three other nations - England, Northern Ireland and Wales. It will continue as one, more securely in a familiar companionship.
The traditional view of the Scottish nation holds that it first arose during the Wars of Independence from England in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Although Scotland was absorbed into Britain in 1707 with the Treaty of Union, Scottish identity is supposed to have remained alive in the new state through separate institutions of religion (the Church of Scotland), education, and the legal system. Neil Davidson argues otherwise. The Scottish nation did not exist before 1707. The Scottish national consciousness we know today was not preserved by institutions carried over from the pre-Union period, but arose after and as a result of the Union, for only then were the material obstacles to nationhood – most importantly the Highland/Lowland divide – overcome. This Scottish nation was constructed simultaneously with and as part of the British nation, and the eighteenth century Scottish bourgeoisie were at the forefront of constructing both. The majority of Scots entered the Industrial Revolution with a dual national consciousness, but only one nationalism, which was British. The Scottish nationalism which arose in Scotland during the twentieth century is therefore not a revival of a pre-Union nationalism after 300 years, but an entirely new formation. Davidson provides a revisionist history of the origins of Scottish and British national consciousness that sheds light on many of the contemporary debates about nationalism.
"In late 2004 in Britain, a little, self-published book called The Pocket Book of Patriotism created a publishing sensation in the United Kingdom. Rejected by every major British publisher because "patriotism is an obsolete concept." Written initially for his own three boys, Courtauld was appalled that British children didn't know basic facts of their history and set out to create a simple book that would make his children proud of their heritage. The result, The Pocket Book of Patriotism, is a bare-bones, uniquely British timeline of historic events, with no judgement or padding, brought to life by soul-stirring quotations and placing British history along side the rest of the world in a simple history chart. From Stonehenge 2000 BC to the England rugby team's World Cup triumph in 2003, The Pocket Book of Patriotism contains the essential dates, quotes and speeches of British history." from the publisher.
In September of 1997 Scots voted overwhelmingly for the establishment of a modern democratic parliament - their first parliament in almost three hundred years. How did this remarkable constitutional change come about? Jonathan Hearn explores this question by examining how claims for greater political autonomy in Scotland today draw on deeper cultural traditions of political thought and action. Scotland's civic nationalism voices a moral critique of neoliberalism and a communitarian defence of the idea of the welfare state, grounding these in Scottish culture and identity. By placing this movement and its language in their institutional, historical and cultural contexts, this powerful book challenges the conventional distinctions between liberalism and nationalism, and between civic and ethnic forms of nationalism, by arguing for a more nuanced way of thinking about processes of culture, identity and politics. Key Features*An anthropological perspective on Scottish nationalism*An ethnographic, highly readable presentation of the subject*A synthetic treatment of nationalism and liberalism*An in-depth critique of the ethnic/civic dichotomy in nationalism studies
David Torrance reassesses the relationship between 'nationalism' and 'unionism' in Scottish politics, challenging a binary reading of the two ideologies with the concept of 'nationalist unionism'. Scottish nationalism did not begin with the SNP in 1934, nor was it confined to political parties that desired independent statehood. Rather, it was more dispersed, with the Liberal, Conservative and Labour parties all attempting to harness Scottish national identity and nationalism between 1884 and 2014, often with the paradoxical goal of strengthening rather than ending the Union. The book combines nationalist theory with empirical historical and archival research to argue that these conceptions of Scottish nationhood had much more in common with each other than is commonly accepted.