This book suggests that drastic reforms are required to reverse the ever-increasing size of the state, a trend experienced in most western nations. The report proposes a reassessment of the scale of government to achieve a reduction in taxation and spending.
A classic work in political philosophy, intellectual history and economics, The Road to Serfdom has inspired and infuriated politicians and scholars for half a century. Originally published in 1944, it was seen as heretical for its passionate warning against the dangers of state control over the means of production. For Hayek, the collectivist idea of empowering government with increasing economic control would lead not to a utopia but to the horrors of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy. This new edition includes a foreword by series editor and leading Hayek scholar Bruce Caldwell explaining the book's origins and publishing history and assessing common misinterpretations of Hayek's thought. Caldwell has also standardized and corrected Hayek's references and added helpful new explanatory notes. Supplemented with an appendix of related materials and forewords to earlier editions by the likes of Milton Friedman, and Hayek himself, this new edition of The Road to Serfdom will be the definitive version of Friedrich Hayek's enduring masterwork.
In the last years of World War II, Friedrich Hayek wrote 'The Road to Serfdom'. He warned the Allies that policy proposals which were being canvassed for the post-war world ran the risk of destroying the very freedom for which they were fighting. On the basis of 'as in war, so in peace', economists and others were arguing that the government should plan all economic activity. Such planning, Hayek argued, would be incompatible with liberty, and had been at the very heart of the movements that had established both communism and Nazism. On its publication in 1944, the book caused a sensation. Neither its British nor its American publisher could keep up with demand, owing to wartime paper rationing. Then, in 1945, Reader's Digest published 'The Road to Serfdom' as the condensed book in its April edition. For the first and still the only time, the condensed book was placed at the front of the magazine instead of the back. Hayek found himself a celebrity, addressing a mass market. The condensed edition was republished for the first time by the IEA in 1999 and has been reissued to meet the continuing demand for its enduringly relevant and accessible message.
By any measure, the privatisation and liberalisation of the UK energy industry was an enromous success. And yet the public are not convinced. As energy expert Carlo Stagnaro shows in this important book, the re-regulation of the market in the UK, together with policy developed at the EU level, has undermined all the important developments of the 1990s and early 2000s. The result has not only been poorer outcomes in the energy market but a very inefficient approach to reduce carbon dioxide emissions. The EU has also only been partially successful in promoting liberalisation and competition in electricity markets and the time is ripe for change. The author shows how the EU must learn the lessons from the UK’s successful recent past – and the UK must re-learn them. Therein lies the route to a competitive energy market that serves the ends of consumers rather than the ends of politicians and other interest groups.
This book argues that increasingly arcane budget processes rivet voter and media attention on federal on-budget activity while simultaneously increasing the cost of monitoring politicians' actions. This enables politicians to say one thing and do another; to rail against "big government" while systematically expanding its reach. Roth distinguishes this book by his emphasis on the role of contrived information asymmetry in the principal-agent relationship between voters and their elected representatives. The analysis suggests that, given their agents' propensity to obfuscate, voters cannot rely on ideological or statutory restraints on the growth of government. Contents: Foreword; Acknowledgements; Information asymmetry and the Growth of Government; Ideology Overwhelmed: The Reagan Years; Ideology and the Principal-Agent Problem; Federal On-Budget Activity: Rhetoric vs. Reality; The Federal Underground Economy; The Erosion of Freedom; Freedom Defended; Notes; Index.
A rollicking indictment of the liberal elite's hypocrisy when it comes to food. Ban trans-fats? Outlaw Happy Meals? Tax Twinkies? What's next? Affirmative action for cows? A catastrophe is looming. Farmers are raping the land and torturing animals. Food is riddled with deadly pesticides, hormones and foreign DNA. Corporate farms are wallowing in government subsidies. Meat packers and fast food restaurants are exploiting workers and tainting the food supply. And Paula Deen has diabetes! Something must be done. So says an emerging elite in this country who think they know exactly what we should grow, cook and eat. They are the food police. Taking on the commandments and condescension the likes of Michael Pollan, Alice Waters, and Mark Bittman, The Food Police casts long overdue skepticism on fascist food snobbery, debunking the myths propagated by the food elite. You'll learn: - Organic food is not necessarily healthier or tastier (and is certainly more expensive). - Genetically modified foods haven't sickened a single person but they have made farmers more profitable and they do hold the promise of feeding impoverished Africans. - Farm policies aren't making us fat. - Voguish locavorism is not greener or better for the economy. - Fat taxes won't slim our waists and "fixing" school lunch programs won't make our kids any smarter. - Why the food police hypocritically believe an iPad is a technological marvel but food technology is an industrial evil So before Big Brother and Animal Farm merge into a socialist nightmare, read The Food Police and let us as Americans celebrate what is good about our food system and take back our forks and foie gras before it's too late!
"In today's hyper-partisan America, the party divide seems to loom over every facet of life, political or not. Yet central as they are, parties have proved unable to meet their core tasks: building resonant programs, organizing actors into ordered conflict, policing boundaries, and linking the governed with the government. To understand how we came to the dysfunctional system we see today, we look back at how the parties formed and when and why they started to fail. In this major new book in American political development, the authors offer a full historical account of modern party politics, beginning with the rise of mass parties in the Jacksonian era through the post-Obama Democrats and the post-Trump Republicans. They show dynamic changes in parties over time, identifying six recurrent approaches that parties have taken-accommodationist, anti-party, pro-capital, policy-reform, radical, and populist-and focus on how successive actors melded inherited forms together with novel approaches to construct new projects for power. They date the emergence of our hollow-party era to the demise of the "New Deal order" by the late 1970s. While acknowledging changes in both parties, the authors emphasize the decisive role of the right in bringing it about. With deep historical grounding and extensive original research, the authors argue that it was the Republican Party that broke American politics"--
Foreign aid and overseas military intervention have been important and controversial political topics for over a decade. The government’s controversial target to spend 0.7 per cent of national income on foreign aid has been widely welcomed by some, but strongly criticised by others. Furthermore, the controversy of the Iraq war rumbles on, even today. This is all happening amongst much instability in many parts of the world. In this short book, a number of authors challenge the assumption that we can bring about economic development and promote liberal democracies through direct foreign intervention – whether economic or military intervention. The lead author, William Easterly, drawing on his wide experience at the World Bank and as an academic, is a renowned sceptic of intervention. He points out that solutions proposed now to the problem of poverty are identical to solutions proposed decades ago – but the plans of rich governments simply do not successfully transform poor countries. Academics Abigail Hall-Blanco and Christian Bjornskov add further context and put forward empirical evidence that backs up Easterly’s argument. Syvlie Aboa-Bradwell draws upon her own practical experience to give examples of how people in poor countries can be assisted to promote their own development. This book is essential reading for students, teachers and all interested in better understanding how to help – and how not to help – the world’s most disadvantaged peoples.