This book highlights the importance of Turkey in diversifying supplies in future European energy security, focusing in particular on the rapidly emerging southern energy corridor. Turkey, by its location, occupies a key role in this corridor, fed by hydrocarbon supplies from Russian, Caspian, east Mediterranean and Arab sources. The book examines Turkey's role as a transit country (in addition to its own growing domestic energy market) and it utilizes the latest evidence on the geopolitics of various pipelines which convergence on Turkey. The evidence, including maps, strongly favor Turkey as an energy hub within a regional energy model driven by rational behavior and market forces. The book recommends an increasing strategic energy cooperation between the EU and Turkey to maximize mutual interest.
The book examines Turkey’s new foreign policy operating in the new international system. Especially with the AKP government, Turkish foreign policy principles have been changed and/or modified radically. Therefore, new foreign policy mentality has to be analyzed in detail. The book also focuses on the “strategic depth” paradigm of Prof. Dr. Ahmet Davutoglu. In his book, Davutoglu inspects the Turkey’s place within the world politics and its relations neighboring countries through historical-religious lense. In order to understand this new mentality in the Turkish foreign policy, historical developments of the Ottoman Empire and the Turkish Republic has been covered. The book mainly focuses on following subjects: analysis of Turkish foreign policy framework, changes in Turkish government’s foreign policy paradigm, reflections of new approaches in the Turkish foreign policy, Turkey’s shifting foreign policy and the new Turkish foreign policy’s future, continuity and change in Turkish foreign policy and lastly implications of Turkey’s new foreign policy doctrine. Türk dış politikası uzun yıllar gündem yaratma yerine, başka aktörlerin oluşturduğu gündemleri takip etme ve müttefiklik adı altında ülke çıkarları ile örtüşmeyen, hatta zaman zaman çelişen seçeneklerin peşine takılma çizgileri arasında sıkışıp kalmıştır. Özellikle son on yılda Türk dış politikasındaki önceliklerin değiştiğine, Türkiye'nin pasif dış politika gömleğini üzerinden çıkardığına tanıklık ediyoruz. 2002 yılından itibaren onu uluslararası sistemde düzen kurucu merkez bir ülke konumuna taşıyacak alt yapının inşa edildiği siyasi istikrar yanında kaydedilen ekonomik büyüme ve kalkınma Türkiye'nin kendine güvenini artırdı. Başbakan Recep Tayyip Erdoğan'ın sık sık altını çizdiği "kendine güven" vurgusu dış politika kararlarının alınmasında önemli bir dayanak oldu. Avrupa Birliği, ortak bir dış politika inşasında üyeleri arasındaki belirsizliklerle ve ekonomik krizlerle mücadele ederken, ABD başlattığı ve sürdürdüğü savaşların aşındırdığı imajını tamir etme çabası sürdürürken, Türkiye kaybettiği yılları Afrika, Balkanlar ve Güney Amerika açılımlarıyla telafi etmeyi başardı. Stratejik derinlik, merkez ve düzen kurucu ülke olmak, komşularla sıfır sorun, proaktif dış politika gibi kavramları siyasete dönüştüren ve uygulamaya koyan yeni Türk dış politikasının tasarımcısı Dışişleri Bakanı Ahmet Davutoğlu, gündemi takip eden değil önceden belirleyen bir liderlik sergilemektedir. Dış politika tutumlarına göre ülkeler iddialı ve iddiasız olarak basitçe ikiye ayrılabilir. Tahmin edileceği üzere ikinci grup hayli kalabalık olduğu halde, birinci gruba ABD gibi, Rusya gibi, Çin gibi sayılı ülkeler girer... Türkiye'nin son on yılda izlediği dış politika tutumu ve hamleleri ikinci gruptan çıkıp birinci gruba girme çabası içinde değerlendirilebilir. Türkiye’nin tarihi, coğrafyası, sahip olduğu kültürel değerler onu böyle bir konuma doğal olarak itmekle beraber, Dışişleri Bakanı Ahmet Davutoğlu’nun danışman olduğu dönemden beri savunduğu ''stratejik derinlik'' felsefesi bu kabul üzerine oturuyor. Türkiye'nin getirmiş olduğu yeni dış politika anlayışı sayesinde bölgesinde artan jeoekonomik etkinliğini hisseden Arap ülkeleri, komşularla sıfır problem modelinin açmış olduğu fırsat alanlarına nüfus etmeye başlamışlardır. Türkiye, Ürdün, Lübnan ve Suriye'yi içine alan Yüksek Düzeyli Stratejik İşbirliği Konseyi tesis edilmesi ve bu ülkeler arasında serbest ticaret ve dolaşım alanı oluşturulması ve vizelerin kaldırılmasının altında bahsetmiş olduğumuz yeni güvenlik kültürünün dinamizmi yatmaktadır. Bu tür girişimler ilişkilerin doğasını sıfır toplamlı oyun politikasından kazan kazan politikasına dönüştürmektedir. Özellikle ülkeler arası ekonomik bağımlılığın artması ise bizi ilerde yaşanacak olan bölgesel krizlerin çabuk ve düşük maliyetlerle aşılmasını sağlayacak mekanizmalar geliştirmesine zemin hazırlayacak ve potansiyel çatışma alanlarının devreye girme ihtimalini miminuma çekecektir. Bu anlamda Türkiye'nin son dönemde jeo-ekonomik anlamda kazanmış olduğu dinamizmin bölgesel aktörler tarafından dikkatle izlendiği bilinmektedir.
Turkey is emerging as an important actor in world politics, exerting growing influence both in its immediate region and beyond. This book aims to understand and explain this phenomenon, utilizing a variety of perspectives from international relations theory. One prominent issue is how Turkey, long embedded in the West via NATO and other European organizations, is growing more confident and is asserting more independent foreign policy positions. This is particularly marked in the Middle East, where some suggest Turkey is pursuing a "neo-Ottomanist" agenda. At times, this competes with and creates tensions with the West. However, a rising Turkey can also be a constructive phenomenon and complement the West. This book examines geopolitical, economic, and cultural dimensions of Turkey’s rise, pointing to both Turkish success and the limits of Turkish power and influence. It includes consideration of Turkey’s relations with NATO, the European Union, the Middle East, and BRIC countries. This book was published as a special issue of Turkish Studies.
By taking corporate marketing concepts and applying it to countries, “nation branding” is a way for these regions to enhance their reputations and project a desired image for international recognition. New modes of publicity and marketing geared towards geographic location fall into this category, leading nation branding to have vast benefits for the economics and societies of countries. New marketing strategies have emerged and are being adopted to consequently brand countries with this purpose of economic growth. By studying these emerging strategies and methods, nations can best develop a desired brand and reputation to foster growth and prosperity. The Handbook of Research on Future Policies and Strategies for Nation Branding discusses how exactly nation branding works to benefit the function and mission of these nations along with showing how nation branding can be used as a strategic asset for the redesign of economic, political, and social characteristics of a country. The chapters outline the given situation of nations and the nature and implications of the brand that is required, measure branding inference, and propose future steps for nation branding. This book is a critical reference source for brand managers, tourism professionals, marketers, advertisers, government officials, travel agencies, academicians, researchers, and students working in the fields of international relations, economics, social sciences, business studies, marketing, and entrepreneurship.
This books aims at analyzing Turkish foreign and security policies in the 21st century. Turkey’s foreign and security policies have become the focus of academic discussions since Turkey is located in the middle of the most unstable region in the world. Turkey’s self-assured foreign policy has similarly attracted the attention of academicians worldwide. Meanwhile, Turkey’s security policy has also been the subject of discussions as the country has been struggling with ethnic terrorism for 35 years. Furthermore, the US invasion of Iraq and the recent Syrian civil war, along with other factors, have caused religious radicalism to expand its power throughout the Middle East, which has heavily impacted on Turkey’s security. Turkey’s longstanding problems with its neighbors have also affected the general characteristics of its foreign policy, particularly leading to its securitization.
The volume discusses what the Turkish Model, or Turkish Development Alternative, was and why it was promoted in the Central Asian republics immediately following the dissolution of the Soviet Union. It argues that the Turkish Model was a myth that transferred the ideal of a ''secular, democratic, liberal society'' as a model for the post Soviet Turkic world and in the process encouraged a ''Turkic" rhetoric that emphasized connection between the two regions based on a common ancestry. The volume begins with an understanding of the reality of the Model from a Turkish perspective and then goes on to examine whether the Turkic world as a "cultural-civilizational alternative" makes sense both from a historical as well as contemporary perspective. It concludes by looking at the re-emergence of the Model in the wake of the events in West Asia in early 2011 and examines how in the light of a search for options the Turkish Model is once again projected as viable.
This book presents the theoretical-historical-comparative political framework needed to fully grasp the truly dynamic nature of 21st century global affairs. The author provides a realistic assessment of the shift from U.S predominance to a new mix of counterbalancing rival middle-tier and assertive regional powers, while highlighting those geopolitical zones of contention most critical for future international stability. The book will appeal to scholars and policy makers interested in understanding the contours of the emerging world order, and in identifying its principal shapers and leading political actors.
This open access book explores the new complexities and ambiguities that epitomize EU-Turkey relations. With a strong focus on the developments in the last decade, the book provides full access to a comprehensive understanding of the multifaceted relationship through three entry points: (1) Theories and Concepts, (2) Institutions, and (3) Policies. Part I brings together complementary and competing analytical approaches to study the evolution of EU-Turkey relations, ranging from traditional integration theories to novel concepts. Part II investigates the institutional machinery of EU-Turkey relations by analyzing the roles and perspectives of the European Council, the European Commission, and the European Parliament. Part III offers analyses of the policies most relevant for the relationship: enlargement policy, trade and macroeconomic policies, foreign and security policy, migration and asylum policies, and energy policy. In Part IV, the volume closes with a systematic survey of the conditions under which cooperative trends in EU-Turkey relations could be (re)invigorated. The systematic setup and the balanced combination of distinguished experts from EU- and Turkey-based institutions make this book a fundamental reading for students, researchers, lecturers, and practitioners of EU-Turkey relations, European integration and Turkish foreign policy. Wulf Reiners is Senior Researcher and Head of the Managing Global Governance (MGG) Program of the German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut fur Entwicklungspolitik (DIE). Ebru Turhan is Assistant Professor at the Department of Political Science and International Relations, Turkish-German University in Istanbul, Turkey.
New Capitalism in Turkey explores the changing relationship between politics, religion and business through an analysis of the contemporary Turkish business environment.
The GCC states and Turkey have recently experienced economic growth and played influential regional roles. In tandem, their relationships grew significantly, and Turkey was considered, for a while, as a “strategic partner”. Common challenges have made them consider an alliance to balance other powers and threats. However, many emerging issues have turned them into rivals for regional influence on divergent agendas during the last decade. All in all, their relations are dynamic and rapidly changing. Some regional crises were subjects of political agreement and coordination in their early stages, such as the cases in Libya, Syria and Yemen. However, this agreement has diminished and sometimes turned into conflict. Iran’s policies have also led to its change from being a factor of agreement to a factor of difference. On the other hand, some tensions, which were major causes of escalation, were resolved or eased, such as the Gulf crisis and the contest over Egypt. These relations affected the whole region, as well as the great powers involved there. Therefore, this book studies the commonalities between the GCC states and Turkey and analyzes their differences. All parties expressed their desire to restore cooperation despite continuing competition on some regional issues. The book proposes some ideas that can be considered to make convergence possible again.
