Beginning with the provocative premise that the body is the anchor of the social order, this book delves into the multidimensional relationship between sociopolitical bodies and human bodies. It explores the way that prevailing economic and political institutions affect our experience of our physical selves and, in turn, the ways that our bodily senses, energies, activities and desires reinforce or challenge the status quo.
Since 1989, scores of bodies across Eastern Europe have been exhumed and brought to rest in new gravesites. Katherine Verdery investigates why certain corpses—the bodies of revolutionary leaders, heroes, artists, and other luminaries, as well as more humble folk—have taken on a political life in the turbulent times following the end of Communist Party rule, and what roles they play in revising the past and reorienting the present. Enlivening and invigorating the dialogue on postsocialist politics, this imaginative study helps us understand the dynamic and deeply symbolic nature of politics—and how it can breathe new life into old bones.
With a companion website that includes short online film episodes, this book proposes expansive ways of deconstructing and re-constituting sexuality and gender and thus more embodied and ethical ways of 'doing' life, and offers an understanding and critique of embodiment through an integration of performance, psychotherapy and feminist philosophy.
'Political Bodies/Body Politic' draws on feminism, gender studies, and queer theory to examine how myth, symbol and ritual express belief systems. The book explores the operation of gender in a variety of social and historical contexts, ranging from feminist speculative fiction and systems of belief to popular culture and ancient historical texts. 'Political Bodies/Body Politic' makes an original contribution to religious and feminist studies in its examination of gender in human communication and belief systems.
Christine de Pizan was born in Venice and raised in Paris at the court of Charles V of France. Widowed at the age of twenty-five, she turned to writing as a source of comfort and income, and went on to produce a remarkable series of books, including poetry, politics, chivalry, warfare, religion and philosophy. She is considered to be France's first female professional writer. This was the first translation into modern English of Christine de Pizan's major political work, The Book of the Body Politic. Written during the Hundred Years' War, it discusses the education and behaviour appropriate for princes, nobility and common people, so that all classes can understand their responsibilities towards society as a whole. A product of a time of civil unrest, The Book of the Body Politic offers a medieval political theory of interdependence and social responsibility from the perspective of an educated woman.
The Anyuak definition of what a human person is appears to be a relatively easy one, at least in theory, because it is based upon purely physical criteria; The metaphysical dimensions of a human being are completely neglected in this definition and are only of importance when needed to exclude a human being from human society. The term "person" is essential in Anyuak language, for it introduces a special category within the large category of "human beings": not all human beings are also persons. The notion of "personality" is, in this context, of no relevance, because it is merely a qualitative extension of the notion of human person, its individual aspect. There is no moral element in the judgement of a human person, at least in this theoretical sense, and even intelligence which elsewhere is considered to be almost exclusively human is not considered when defining the truly human qualities of a person. Because the individual characteristics of a person, his or her mistakes and problems, do not turn into existential questions, Anyuaks hardly ever ask themselves about their "real" identity or meditate about their inner life: Anyuaks know perfectly well who they are and what place they have in existence, and it is with this deep and sober self-knowledge that they face their private destiny. The best, as well as the most complete, answer to the philosophical question "Who am I?" thus is for Anyuak a very easy, self-evident one: "Who I am? - I am a human person!" "Human person" means in Anyuak language "dhano". "Dhano mo dicwo" is a male, "dhano mo dhago" a female person; the plural is "jiy" or "jow", the latter meaning literally "fellows, people". The term "dhano" is positively discriminating and describes a definite sphere of exclusively human values. A human person is of course a human being, the latter being a particular species living on earth an thus clearly different from animals, birds or fish. The differentiation from animals is, as we shall see, of importance, because unlike animals the human being has a spiritual dimension and is conscious of his or her existence. But because of human superiority over animals and because of the usually peaceful coexistence between man an animals on earth, the human being contents himself with stating the differences between man an animals in their physical nature and intellectual capacities; the difference between man an animals is a positive one because it strengthens the position of the human being and is therefore of psychological rather than of truly existential importance to the definition of a "human person". Anyuak existence would probably be much less problematic if their universe were simply divided into a spiritual sphere above (of God) and an earthly sphere of existence below (of humans, animals, etc.). The problem of human society is aggravated by the fact that the nature of human being is not the same in all people, that there exist treacherous elements which side with the spiritual, nonhuman matters and find tremendous pleasure in torturing an killing other human beings. A "human being" is therefore not necessarily a "human person" but can, in spite of his or her human appearance, very well have supernatural, i.e. inhuman qualities. When Anyuaks define a "human person", they primarily think of these cetergories of existence: while the difference to animals and the one to invisible spiritual matters in the sky does not need to be stressed, the differentiation between real human persons and people of mainly spiritual nature has to be emphasised and made perfectly clear because it is a differentiation within the same category of earthly appearances, the category of human beings. The human beings thus are divided into "persons" and "non-persons", the former defined by purely human values, the latter depending upon spiritual attributes. If one wonders "Who is walking over there?", anyuaks never give a precise answer such as "These are people coming from Ajwara" but simply say what in their opinion is the most and the only essential "Be jiy di piny", "These are people of the earth", i.e. earthly, not spiritual existences, they are normal people. This expression shows clearly that a true human person is closely linked to the earth, while spiritual non-persons of course are rather related to the sphere of the sky, to immaterial spirituality. To be a "human person" is the most positive thing an Anyuak can say about her or himself. Here, there is no idea of humanity as a fault of the humans'' imperfection and need for salvation, on the contrary, the human person is the only positive and solid criterion on which all other matters are to be judged. The term "dhano", person, thus qualifies or disqualifies somebody as a human being. Soemtimes, one does hear it in a positive sense, as in the already mentioned examples or when for example a difficult discussion is to be put on a constructive level by saying "yini dhano thuoo", i.e. "you are a human being like me" (and should therefore not argue as if you were a sorcerer); usually, however, one applies the term to disliked or even hated people, by calling them "non-persons", i.e. "pa dhano". A man walking naked in a big village (like Akobo or Otalo) is today considered to be mad (at least if he never wars clothes) and thus said to be "no person any more" ("pa dhano ket") and consequently left in peace (even by the police). In such a context, to be a non-person is synonymous with "to b mad" (bol): when for example my watercarrier in one of his frequent malaria attacks completely lost his mind and even forgot all the obligatory respect due to the king, walking with shoes in royal presence and even disregarding the king''s orders, he was not caught, tied up and slashed as normally would have been the case: "Let him be," the king said calmly, "he is no human person any more" (i.e. he does not know what he is doing).
"Christine de Pizan's Body Politic (1406-1407) is the first political treatise to have been written not just by a woman, but by a woman capable of holding her own in a normally male domain. It advises not just the prince, as was traditional, but also nobles, knights, and the common people, promoting the ideals of interdependence and social responsibility. Rooted in the mind-set of medieval Christendom, it heralds the humanism of the Renaissance, highlighting classical culture and Roman civic virtues. The Body Politic resounds still today, urging the need for probity in public life and the importance of responsibilities as well as rights"--
Veiled women in the West appear menacing. Their visible invisibility is a cause of obsession. What is beneath the veil more than a woman? This book investigates the preoccupation with the veiled body through the imaging and imagining of Muslim women. It examines the relationship between the body and knowledge through the politics of freedom as grounded in a ‘natural’ body, in the index of flesh. The impulse to unveil is more than a desire to free the Muslim woman. What lies at the heart of the fantasy of saving the Muslim woman is the West’s desire to save itself. The preoccupation with the veiled woman is a defense that preserves neither the object of orientalism nor the difference embodied in women’s bodies, but inversely, insists on the corporeal boundaries of the West’s mode of knowing and truth-making. The book contends that the imagination of unveiling restores the West’s sense of its own power and enables it to intrude where it is ‘other’ – thus making it the centre and the agent by promising universal freedom, all the while stifling the question of what freedom is.
Franklin Roosevelt instinctively understood that a politician unable to control his own body would be perceived as unable to control the body politic. He took care to hide his polio-induced lameness both visually and verbally. Through his speeches—and his physical bearing when delivering them—he tried to project robust health for himself while imputing disability, weakness, and even disease onto his political opponents and their policies. In FDR's Body Politics: The Rhetoric of Disability, Davis W. Houck and Amos Kiewe analyze the silences surrounding Roosevelt's disability, the words he chose to portray himself and his policies as powerful and health-giving, and the methods he used to maximize the appearance of physical strength. Drawing on never-before-used primary sources, they explore how Roosevelt and his advisors attacked his most difficult rhetorical bind: how to address his fitness for office without invoking his disability. They examine his broad strategies, as well as the speeches Roosevelt delivered during his political comeback after polio struck, to understand how he overcame the whispering campaign against him in 1928 and 1932. The compelling narrative Houck and Kiewe offer here is one of struggle against physical disability and cultural prejudice by one of our nation's most powerful leaders. Ultimately, it is a story of triumph and courage—one that reveals a master politician's understanding of the body politic in the most fundamental of ways.
Traditional narratives imply that art in early America was severely limited in scope. By contrast, these essays collectively argue that visual arts played a critical role in shaping an early American understanding of the body politic. American artists in the late colonial and early national periods enlisted the arts to explore and exploit their visions of the relationship of the American colonies to the mother country and, later, to give material shape to the ideals of modern republican nationhood. Taking a uniquely broad view of both politics and art, Shaping the Body Politic ranges in topic from national politics to the politics of national identity, and from presidential portraits to the architectures of the ordinary. The book covers subject matter from the 1760s to the 1820s, ranging from Patience Wright's embodiment of late colonial political tension to Thomas Jefferson's designs for the entry hall at Monticello as a museum. Paul Staiti, Maurie McInnis, and Roger Stein offer new readings of canonical presidential images and spaces: Jean-Antoine Houdon's George Washington, Gilbert Stuart's the Lansdowne portrait of Washington, and Thomas Jefferson's Monticello. In essays that engage print and painting, portraiture and landscape, Wendy Bellion, David Steinberg, and John Crowley explore the formation of national identity. The volume's concluding essays, by Susan Rather and Bernard Herman, examine the politics of the everyday. The accompanying eighty-five illustrations and color plates demonstrate the broad range of politically resonant visual material in early America. Contributors Wendy Bellion, University of Delaware * John E. Crowley, Dalhousie University * Bernard L. Herman, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill * Maurie D. McInnis, University of Virginia * Louis P. Nelson, University of Virginia * Susan Rather, University of Texas, Austin * Paul Staiti, Mount Holyoke College * Roger B. Stein, emeritus, University of Virginia * David Steinberg, Independent Scholar Thomas Jefferson Foundation Distinguished Lecture Series
