When the ancien régime collapsed during the summer of 1789 the newspaper press was free for the first time in French history. The result was an explosion in the number of newspapers with over 2,000 titles appearing between 1789 and 1799. This study, originally published in 1988, traces the growth of the French Press during this time, showing the importance of the emergence of provincial newspapers, and examining the relationship of journalism with political power. Concluding chapters discuss the economics of newspapers during the decade, analysing the machinery of printing, distribution and sales.
The newspaper press was an essential aspect of the political culture of the French Revolution. Revolutionary News highlights the most significant features of this press in clear and vivid language. It breaks new ground in examining not only the famous journalists but the obscure publishers and the anonymous readers of the Revolutionary newspapers. Popkin examines the way press reporting affected Revolutionary crises and the way in which radical journalists like Marat and the Pere Duchene used their papers to promote democracy.
In this innovative study of the press during the French Revolutionary crisis of the early 1830s, Jeremy Popkin shows that newspapers played a crucial role in defining a new repertoire of identities--for workers, women, and members of the middle classes--that redefined Europe's public sphere. Nowhere was this process more visible than in Lyon, the great manufacturing center where the aftershocks of the July Revolution of 1830 were strongest. In July 1830 Lyon's population had rallied around its liberal newspaper and opposed the conservative Restoration government. In less than two years, however, Lyon's press and its public opinion, like those of the country as a whole, had become irrevocably fragmented. Popkin shows how the structure of the "journalistic field" in liberal society multiplied political conflicts and produced new tensions between the domains of politics and culture. New periodicals appeared claiming to speak for workers, for women, and for the local interests of Lyon. The public was becoming inherently plural with the emergence of new "imagined communities" that would dominate French public life well into the twentieth century. Jeremy Popkin is well known for his earlier studies of journalism during the eighteenth century and the French Revolution. In Press, Revolution, and Social Identities in France, he not only moves forward in time but also offers a new model for a cultural history of journalism and its relationship to literature.
DIVLong before the invention of printing, let alone the availability of a daily newspaper, people desired to be informed. In the pre-industrial era news was gathered and shared through conversation and gossip, civic ceremony, celebration, sermons, and proclamations. The age of print brought pamphlets, edicts, ballads, journals, and the first news-sheets, expanding the news community from local to worldwide. This groundbreaking book tracks the history of news in ten countries over the course of four centuries. It evaluates the unexpected variety of ways in which information was transmitted in the premodern world as well as the impact of expanding news media on contemporary events and the lives of an ever-more-informed public. Andrew Pettegree investigates who controlled the news and who reported it; the use of news as a tool of political protest and religious reform; issues of privacy and titillation; the persistent need for news to be current and journalists trustworthy; and people’s changed sense of themselves as they experienced newly opened windows on the world. By the close of the eighteenth century, Pettegree concludes, transmission of news had become so efficient and widespread that European citizens—now aware of wars, revolutions, crime, disasters, scandals, and other events—were poised to emerge as actors in the great events unfolding around them./div
Jeremy D. Popkin's book is the first comprehensive examination of the European news industry during the era of the American and French Revolutions. He focuses on the Gazette de Leyde, the period's newspaper of record, and constructs a detailed picture of the'media market'of which it was a part.
Politics and the Rise of the Press compares the rise of the newspaper press in Britain and France, and assesses how it influenced political life and political culture. From its social, economic and political sources, to its importance for the middling ranks in eighteenth-century British society, and its transformation after the French revolution. This detailed, comparative account, which also contains considerable original research on the early Scottish press, will be of value to all students of French and British history of the period.
On July 11, 1780, after a sixty-nine-day voyage, 6,000 French troops under the command of General Rochambeau disembarked in Newport, R.I. Cognizant of the anti-Catholic feelings against France that ran rampant among the general population, the French military officers who arrived in Newport on that July day anxiously descended from their ship, not knowing how they would be received. Once it became clear that the French stay in Newport would last through the winter months, the French soldiers began printing a newspaper, using the press that was carried on board the ship. The first issue of the Newport newspaper, the Gazette Françoise, appeared on November 17, 1780, followed by six consecutive issues and a final Supplement on January 2, 1781. The original purpose of the Gazette was to satisfy the curiosity of French officers seeking to educate themselves about their American military counterparts. To revisit the newspaper now is to capture a moment in American history, to see a unique perspective on Revolutionary America, naval customs of the era, and the political and social ambiance of Newport during the Revolution. In this newly translated and annotated edition of La Gazette Françoise, published by Salve Regina University Press, Eugena Poulin and Claire Quintal have revisited the texts of the original French newspaper, translating them and comparing them to the English newspaper articles upon which they were based. La Gazette performed a distinct service, that of informing quasi-idle and eager-to-fight young military men of persons like them involved in a great experiment in democracy, one upon which they could look back with immense satisfaction in later years, with a sense of exhilaration that comes from having helped to achieve a momentous victory that changed the course of history.
Presents a collection of primary source newspaper articles and correspondence reporting the events of the Revolution, containing both American and British eyewitness accounts and commentary and analysis from thirty-seven historians.
Jeffrey Wasserstrom, taking the opposite view, argues that the extensive attention paid to the effects of worldwide television coverage of the demonstrations in Tiananmen Square masks the fact that the Chinese students were essentially reworking protest rituals rooted in their country's history and culture long before the modern media era. Owen Johnson, in his essay on the Czechoslovak press during the "Velvet Revolution," likewise downplays the role of the media. The remaining contributors - Jeffrey Brooks, Jack R. Censer, Tim Harris, Thomas C. Leonard, Stephen R. Mackinnon, Michael Mendle, Jeffery A. Smith, Jonathan Sperber, Mark W. Summers - focus on pamphlet literature, newspapers, political cartoons, and the modern electronic media. Together, their wide-ranging views form a balanced and perceptive examination of the impact of the media on the making of history.
In the 1789 Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, French revolutionaries proclaimed the freedom of speech, religion, and opinion. Censorship was abolished, and France appeared to be on a path towards tolerance, pluralism, and civil liberties. A mere four years later, the country descended into a period of political terror, as thousands were arrested, tried, and executed for crimes of expression and opinion. In Policing Public Opinion in the French Revolution, Charles Walton traces the origins of this reversal back to the Old Regime. He shows that while early advocates of press freedom sought to abolish pre-publication censorship, the majority still firmly believed injurious speech--or calumny--constituted a crime, even treason if it undermined the honor of sovereign authority or sacred collective values, such as religion and civic spirit. With the collapse of institutions responsible for regulating honor and morality in 1789, calumny proliferated, as did obsessions with it. Drawing on wide-ranging sources, from National Assembly debates to local police archives, Walton shows how struggles to set legal and moral limits on free speech led to the radicalization of politics, and eventually to the brutal liquidation of "calumniators" and fanatical efforts to rebuild society's moral foundation during the Terror of 1793-1794. With its emphasis on how revolutionaries drew upon cultural and political legacies of the Old Regime, this study sheds new light on the origins of the Terror and the French Revolution, as well as the history of free expression.
