For many, the advent of globalization brought with it an end to the way that the world had been viewed previous to the fall of the Berlin Wall. Among the many endings the one that most concerns my book is the perceived foreclosure of any alternatives to the capitalistic ideology that structures globalization. Even criticisms of globalization are bounded by its limits since the critical models they use cannot conceive of a space outside its homogenizing discourse. Against the final limits that shape most interpretations of globalization, I show how writers on the periphery of the globalizing north, through the development and deployment of neo-baroque imaginings, offer a different possibility to monological globalism. I show that the baroque has been a way of resisting and reconfiguring the colonial gaze in Latin America since the time of the first encounter to the present.
New York Times bestseller "A cogent analysis of the concurrent Trump/Brexit phenomena and a dire warning about what lies ahead...a lucid, provocative book." --Kirkus Reviews Those who championed globalization once promised a world of winners, one in which free trade would lift all the world's boats, and extremes of left and right would give way to universally embraced liberal values. The past few years have shattered this fantasy, as those who've paid the price for globalism's gains have turned to populist and nationalist politicians to express fury at the political, media, and corporate elites they blame for their losses. The United States elected an anti-immigration, protectionist president who promised to "put America first" and turned a cold eye on alliances and treaties. Across Europe, anti-establishment political parties made gains not seen in decades. The United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union. And as Ian Bremmer shows in this eye-opening book, populism is still spreading. Globalism creates plenty of both winners and losers, and those who've missed out want to set things right. They've seen their futures made obsolete. They hear new voices and see new faces all about them. They feel their cultures shift. They don't trust what they read. They've begun to understand the world as a battle for the future that pits "us" vs. "them." Bremmer points to the next wave of global populism, one that hits emerging nations before they have fully emerged. As in Europe and America, citizens want security and prosperity, and they're becoming increasingly frustrated with governments that aren't capable of providing them. To protect themselves, many government will build walls, both digital and physical. For instance... * In Brazil and other fast-developing countries, civilians riot when higher expectations for better government aren't being met--the downside of their own success in lifting millions from poverty. * In Mexico, South Africa, Turkey, Indonesia, Egypt and other emerging states, frustration with government is on the rise and political battle lines are being drawn. * In China, where awareness of inequality is on the rise, the state is building a system to use the data that citizens generate to contain future demand for change * In India, the tools now used to provide essential services for people who've never had them can one day be used to tighten the ruling party's grip on power. When human beings feel threatened, we identify the danger and look for allies. We use the enemy, real or imagined, to rally friends to our side. This book is about the ways in which people will define these threats as fights for survival. It's about the walls governments will build to protect insiders from outsiders and the state from its people. And it's about what we can do about it.
Globalism: The New Market Ideology rejects the notion that we find ourselves at the end of ideology and that democracy has won. Instead, Steger argues that the opening decade of the 21st century will constitute a teeming battlefield of clashing ideologies. The chief protagonist is the dominant neoliberal market ideology Steger calls globalism. After identifying and evaluating the five central claims of globalism--including assertions that globalization is inevitable, nobody is in charge of globalization, and globalization benefits everyone--Steger offers an overview of the counterclaims made by anti-globalist forces. Visit our website for sample chapters!
In 1999, John Ralston Saul began predicting that globalism would collapse. In 2005, he laid out this scenario in The Collapse of Globalism: and the Reinvention of the World Now he has enlarged the book, showing how today's crisis came about and suggesting what to do next. In this new edition, Saul describes the current financial crisis as a mere boil to be lanced. The far more serious problem is that the West—driven by most of its economists, managers, consultants, and columnists—remains stuck on outdated ideas of growth, wealth creation, and trade expansion. They are still trying to limit the debate to a narrow choice between protectionism and free trade and are concentrated on old-fashioned stimulation. Public policy has been dominated by the people who created this crisis. Saul envisions a new sort of wealth creation and growth, and in place of reaction, advocates new forms of action.
This new edition of Manfred Steger's award-winning book explores the three principal ideologies of our time: the neoliberal "market globalism," the "justice globalism" of the global justice movement, and the "jihadist globalism" of radical Islamists. Steger, one of the world's leading scholars on these subjects, explores globalization's central questions: What, exactly, are the core claims of these conflicting globalisms? What are the most likely future trajectories of this great ideological struggle of the twenty-first century? Written with impressive historical and theoretical breadth, this groundbreaking work is essential reading for all those concerned with the key questions that our shrinking world must face.
This book examines the key debates about globalization and provides a detailed and incisive analysis of the varied and often contradictory opposition to globalization within the United States. Subjects covered include: * the historical context of the development of globalization in the US in the post-war period * opposition to the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the General Agreement on Trade & Tariffs (GATT) & the World Trade Organisation (WTO) * the nationalist response to globalization from 'militia' groups and others on the extreme right * the populist backlash against globalization * recent moves by advocates of the free market to present 'globalization with a human face'.
Larry Schweikart has won wide acclaim for his number one New York Times bestseller, A Patriot’s History of the United States. Now, with A Patriot's History of Globalism, Schweikart shows that globalism, or the attempt to form a one-world government is nothing new. In the wake of Napoleon's defeat in 1814, the globalists of the day (mostly monarchs) sought to create a governing arrangement for Europe. Within forty years, three of the major participants were at war with each other. After World War I, they tried again at Versailles, this time even more aggressively changing boundaries of nations and moving populations. That attempt only lasted twenty years before another major war between the participants. Yet again, after World War II, globalists used the threat of the atomic bomb to try to form an international government with the United Nations. Most recently, the World Economic Forum and World Health Organization are attempting to minimize nationalities with global control of money and medicine. But there are signs this tide has been reversed and is finally in decline. A Patriot's History of Globalism is the gold standard text for the history of globalism.
What is the hottest American export since 9/11? The contributors to this provocative volume contend that it is Western style globalism-the dominant free market ideology that determines everything from most-favored-nation status to the declaration of war. In this much-needed post-September 11 analysis, an interdisciplinary team of authors shows how central concepts like globalization, liberty, free markets, and free trade are increasingly being subordinated to and lumped together with the war on terrorism led by the U.S. and its allies. The authors here-hailing from all five continents--contend that globalism is being adapted to particular social and political contexts in various parts of the world. Nonetheless, the impact of globalization with an ideological twist can be devastating as military operations and propaganda supplant transnational trade initiatives as the focal point of global exchange. And ironically, the post-9/11 framework contains a major ideological contradiction: Social forces otherwise profiting from expanded global mobility and interchange must come to grips with necessary limitations on certain aspects of globalization. This volume was handcrafted to outline the major lines of inquiry proposed for the new Globalization series, edited by Manfred B. Steger and Terrell Carver. Writing in accessible, engaging prose, the contributors to this anchor volume consider themselves critical globalization theorists who seek to provide readers with a better understanding of how dominant beliefs about globalization fashion their realities and how these ideas can be changed to bring about more equitable social arrangements. Books in the series will share the same perspective and goals.
For a century, economists have driven forward the cause of globalization in financial institutions, labour markets, and trade. Yet there have been consistent warning signs that a global economy and free trade might not always be advantageous. Where are the pressure points? What could be done about them? Dani Rodrik examines the back-story from its seventeenth-century origins through the milestones of the gold standard, the Bretton Woods Agreement, and the Washington Consensus, to the present day. Although economic globalization has enabled unprecedented levels of prosperity in advanced countries and has been a boon to hundreds of millions of poor workers in China and elsewhere in Asia, it is a concept that rests on shaky pillars, he contends. Its long-term sustainability is not a given. The heart of Rodrik’s argument is a fundamental 'trilemma': that we cannot simultaneously pursue democracy, national self-determination, and economic globalization. Give too much power to governments, and you have protectionism. Give markets too much freedom, and you have an unstable world economy with little social and political support from those it is supposed to help. Rodrik argues for smart globalization, not maximum globalization.
