In the last generation the classic Marxist interpretation of the French Revolution has been challenged by the so-called revisionist school. The Marxist view that the Revolution was a bourgeois and capitalist revolution has been questioned by Anglo-Saxon revisionists like Alfred Cobban and William Doyle as well as a French school of criticism headed by François Furet. Today revisionism is the dominant interpretation of the Revolution both in the academic world and among the educated public. Against this conception, this book reasserts the view that the Revolution - the capital event of the modern age - was indeed a capitalist and bourgeois revolution. Based on an analysis of the latest historical scholarship as well as on knowledge of Marxist theories of the transition from feudalism to capitalism, the work confutes the main arguments and contentions of the revisionist school while laying out a narrative of the causes and unfolding of the Revolution from the eighteenth century to the Napoleonic Age.
In this lively and stimulating study, Roger Magraw examines how the 19th-century French bourgeoisie struggled and eventually succeeded in consolidating the gains it made in 1789. The book describes the attempts of the bourgeoisie to remold France in its own image and its strategy for overcoming the resistance from the old aristocratic and clerical elites and the popular classes. Incorporating the most recent research on religion and anticlericalism, the development of the economy, the role of women in society, and the educational system, this work is the first to draw extensively on the new social history in its interpretation of events in 19th-century France.
In the last generation the classic Marxist interpretation of the French Revolution has been challenged by the so-called revisionist school. The Marxist view that the Revolution was a bourgeois and capitalist revolution has been questioned by Anglo-Saxon revisionists like Alfred Cobban and William Doyle as well as a French school of criticism headed by François Furet. Today revisionism is the dominant interpretation of the Revolution both in the academic world and among the educated public. Against this conception, this book reasserts the view that the Revolution - the capital event of the modern age - was indeed a capitalist and bourgeois revolution. Based on an analysis of the latest historical scholarship as well as on knowledge of Marxist theories of the transition from feudalism to capitalism, the work confutes the main arguments and contentions of the revisionist school while laying out a narrative of the causes and unfolding of the Revolution from the eighteenth century to the Napoleonic Age.
This text reasserts the Marxist view of the French Revolution as a bourgeois and capitalist revolution. Based mainly on articles published in the journal Historical Materialism it challenges the still dominant revisionist view of the French Revolution. It serves to restore the close tie between the history of the Old Regime and the Revolution. It demonstrates that the rise of a bourgeois capitalist class has a long history dating back to the sixteenth century. Moreover, it shows that the Revolution itself played a large role in strengthening the bourgeoisie politically and economically while bringing about the unification of financial and productive capital. Indeed, it shows that the rising of the masses during the Revolution, viewed by revisionism as economically regressive, in fact helped to bring about the consolidation of capitalism.
In mid-July 1789, after the storming of the Bastille, the municipality of Paris organized a Garde Nationale, heir to the militias of the Ancien Régime. Something of a myth, the story of its origins is closely linked to the emblematic figure of the Marquis de La Fayette, its commanding general. Provinces quickly formed identical militias, which intervened in the troubles of the municipal revolution. Bringing citizens together, the Garde Nationale became one of the most important players of the French Revolution. Organized on a military model, it nevertheless remained a civilian force whose members, who elected their officers, were often armed and equipped with odds and ends by the municipalities. Responsible for ensuring order, they performed their service despite their professional activity and family life. However, the threat of war changed the mission of the guard: after the King's failed flight in June 1791, nearly 100,000 Gardes joined battalions of volunteers destined for the armed forces and ultimately integrated regular troops. Confined to subaltern tasks after the fall of Robespierre, under the Directory, the Garde Nationale was nevertheless retained by the Consulate. It quickly proved to be very useful, responding to the needs of the Napoleonic government by transforming itself into a territorial reserve army placed under the authority of the prefects. The Garde distinguished itself in particular during the harsh campaigns at the twilight of the First Empire.The Garde Nationale remains one of the most misunderstood institutions of the French Revolution and the First Empire. It does not lend itself well to synthesis, and occupies a minor place in the work of historians. Based on contemporary documents - in particular on previously little-used archives - this book analyses the successive organizations of the Garde Nationale in Paris and in the provinces, the evolution of its strength, but also its place in relation to the army, not to mention the recurrent hesitations between the two conceptions of the institution: a national force with a broad recruitment or a local and bourgeois militia. Lavishly illustrated with largely unpublished iconography and original artwork, the book also looks at the uniforms and equipment of the Garde Nationale and offers a synthesis - the first in English - devoted to this central actor of the century of revolutions.
This book argues that the introduction of popular sovereignty as the basis for government in France facilitated a dramatic transformation in international law in the eighteenth century.
He also discusses the important role of anti-Italian xenophobia in the events surrounding the Saint Bartholomew's Day Massacre, the Estates-General of Blois in 1576-7, the Catholic League revolt, and the triumph of Henri IV.".
In the spring of 1775, a series of food riots shook the villages and countryside around Paris. For decades France had been free of famine, but the fall grain harvest had been meager, and the government of the newly crowned King Louis XVI had issued an untimely edict allowing the free commerce of grain within the kingdom. Prices skyrocketed, causing riots to break out in April, first in the market town of Beaumont-sur-Oise, then sweeping through the Paris Basin for the next three weeks. Known as the Flour War, or the guerre des farines, these riots are the subject of Cynthia Bouton's fascinating study. Building upon French historian George Rud&é's pioneering work, Bouton identifies communities of participants and victims in the Flour War, analyzing them according to class, occupation, gender, and location. As typically happened, crowds of common people (menu peuple) confronted those who controlled the grain-bakers, merchants, millers, cultivators, and local authorities. Bouton asks why women of the menu peuple were heavily represented in the riots, often assuming crucial roles as instigators and leaders. In most instances, the people did not steal the provisions but forced those they cornered to sell at a price the rioters deemed &"just.&" Bouton examines this phenomenon, known as taxation populaire, and considers the growing &"sophistication of purpose&" of rioters by placing the Flour War within the larger context of food riots in early modern Europe.
Privilege and the Politics of Taxation in Eighteenth-Century France, first published in 2000, offers a lucid interpretation of the Ancien Régime and the origins of the French Revolution. It examines what was arguably the most ambitious project of the eighteenth-century French monarchy: the attempt to impose direct taxes on formerly tax-exempt privileged elites. Connecting the social history of the state to the study of political culture, Michael Kwass describes how the crown refashioned its institutions and ideology to impose new forms of taxation on the privileged. Drawing on impressive primary research from national and provincial archives, Kwass demonstrates that the levy of these taxes, which struck elites with some force, not only altered the relationship between monarchy and social hierarchy, but also transformed political language and attitudes in the decades before the French Revolution. Privilege and the Politics of Taxation in Eighteenth-Century France sheds light on French history during this crucial period.
