Sweden's Social Democratic movement is widely regarded as the most successful of its kind in the world. Its success is often attributed to its pragmatism rather than its consistent ideological commitment. This book argues that, on the contrary, Sweden's distinctive economic and social policies cannot be understood apart from the ideological convictions of several generations of political leaders and thinkers. Examining the thinking of major figures in Swedish Social Democracy (including Hjalmar Branting, Gunnar Myrdal, and Olof Palme), this book provides the first up-to-date survey of the party's ideological development from its origins in the 1880s until the present.
Historian Kjell stberg presents the first comprehensive study of one of the most influential political movements of our time. Swedish Social Democracy was an inspiration to young socialists around the world for generations. But little remains of the Swedish model today. For almost a century, Social Democracy prevailed in Sweden, which for many appeared to be on the verge of becoming a truly socialist country. What followed instead was a jarring adaptation to a rising neoliberal world order. Large parts of the public sector have now been privatised, social inequality is rapidly worsening, and right-wing populists have come to represent much of the working class. stberg discusses the reformist strategy, class organizations and social mobilisation, women's struggle, and the creation of the Swedish welfare society. It is a history emblematic of the transformations in global politics of the last half century.
The Swedish Social Democratic Party, the SAP, is the most successful social democratic party in the world. It has led the government for most of the last six decades, participating either alone or as the dominant force in coalition government. The SAP has also worked closely with trade unions that have organized nearly 85 percent of the labor force, the highest rate among the advanced industrial democracies. Rarely has a political party been so dominant or so closely linked to labor movement. Yet Sweden remains very much a capitolist society with economic and social power firmly in the hands of big capitol.If one wants to know if politics, and most especially if reformist politics, matters - if, that is, political mobilization can change democratic capitolists societies - then Sweden under the Social Democrats is clearly one of the best empirical cases to study.Bo Rothstein uses the Swedish experience to analyze the limits a social democratic government labors under and the possibilities it enjoys in using the state to implement large-scale social change. He examines closely two SAP programs, one a success and the other a failure, that attempted to change social processes deeply embedded in capitolist society. He ties the outcomes of these programs to the structure of the state and hypothesizes that the outcome depends, to a considerable extent, on how administrative apparatuses responsible for implementing each policy are organized. Rothstein concludes that no matter how wisely a reformist policy is designed nor how strong the political party behind it, if the administrative arrangements are faulty, it will fail at the stage of implementation.Rothstein convincingly demonstrates that the democratic capitolist countries of the world have important lessons to learn from the Swedish experience regarding the possibilities for political reform. Political scientists and political reformers alike can learn much from Rothstein's deep knowledge of Swedish government and his innovative model for analyzing political reform in social democratic societies.
The Swedish Social Democratic Labor Party (SAP) was founded more than one hundred years ago, in April 1889. During this "century of social democracy" Sweden has been transformed from an agrarian to an industrial society, from a poor country to a welfare state; and the SAP has evolved from being a lower-class movement to the nation's leading party for more than half a century. Is Sweden's development so special and is the Swedish labor movement unique when viewed from an international perspective? When were the critical decisions taken, what did the Social Democrats want to achieve, and what have they actually succeeded in doing—especially in light of the Social Democrats' loss of governmental power in 1991? These questions are discussed in thirteen essays addressing economic policy, social and welfare policy, international policy, and the party's inner structure and ideology. Two additional chapters on historical background and the latest developments in Sweden and some tables make this volume valuable for readers wanting competent information about Sweden, about the development of Swedish society, and about the most successful Social Democratic Labor party in Europe.
Whatever happened to the poster child of European social democracy? For a young generation of socialists, the Swedish experience has been an obvious reference and inspiration. But what remains of the Swedish model today is, in fact, a failed project in decline. This book is the first comprehensive study of the rise and fall of one of the most influential political movements of our time. Ostberg depicts the rise of one of the 20th century's best organized labor movements and Sweden's development from one of Europe's poorest countries to one of the richest and with the most extensive welfare. During the last 90 years, Sweden had a social democratic prime minister for 72 years, including a 44 year uninterrupted span. The Swedish model culminated in the 1970s. Under the pressure of wildcat strikes and new social movements, a highly competent Social Democratic government implemented unique social reforms mainly through a decommodified public sector. Many reforms had a distinct gender equality character. The Social Democratic-led trade union movement sought to take over control of Swedish companies through wage earners’ funds. Was Sweden on its way to becoming a socialist country? Instead, Swedish Social Democracy quickly adapted to the economic and political conditions of the neoliberal counter-revolution. Today, large parts of the public sector have been privatized and social inequality has increased faster than in most other countries, despite social democratic governments in power. The Social Democratic party is being challenged by the right-wing populist Sweden Democrats as the largest labour party. Kjell Ostbjerg discusses the strength and weakness of the reformist strategy, the importance of class organizations and social mobilization and the struggle for power in the workplace, the influence of the labor bureaucracy, the role of women in the creation of the Swedish welfare society and the dependence of Social Democracy on the development of international capitalism.
The notion of social policy as a productive investment and a prerequisite for economic growth became a core feature in the ideology of Swedish social democracy, and a central component of the universalism of the Swedish welfare state. However as the Swedish Social Democratic Party (SAP) embarked on its Third Way in 1981, this outlook on social policy as a productive investment was replaced by the identification of social policy as a cost and a burden for growth. This book discusses the components of this ideological turnaround from Swedish social democracy’s post-war notion of a strong society, to its notion of a Third Way in the early 1980s. It is a novel and innovative contribution to the history of Swedish social democracy and recent developments in the Swedish welfare state, and it also sheds light on contemporary social policy debates. It will appeal to a wide readership from students of contemporary history and politics to policy makers and specialists.
This book, originally published in 1978, constitutes a genuinely comparative study of the world's only truly succesful democratic socialist parties: the Social Democraic Parties of Denmark, Norway and Sweden. The measure of achievement is not merely political success, the fact that in Scandinavia the Social Democrats have become 'natural parties of goverment', for just as importantly, the author shows that a political success grounded on the symbiotic relationship between party and trade union movement has been the foundation for a higher level of welfare state provision and egalitarian striving than in virtually any other advanced Western nations. It is a book for friends and foes of democratic socialism alike; for the former to provide an understanding of the tasks ahead and for the latter to know the enemy better.
