In Rationalizing Capitalist Democracy, S. M. Amadae tells the remarkable story of how rational choice theory rose from obscurity to become the intellectual bulwark of capitalist democracy. Amadae roots Rationalizing Capitalist Democracy in the turbulent post-World War II era, showing how rational choice theory grew out of the RAND Corporation's efforts to develop a "science" of military and policy decisionmaking. But while the first generation of rational choice theorists—William Riker, Kenneth Arrow, and James Buchanan—were committed to constructing a "scientific" approach to social science research, they were also deeply committed to defending American democracy from its Marxist critics. Amadae reveals not only how the ideological battles of the Cold War shaped their ideas but also how those ideas may today be undermining the very notion of individual liberty they were created to defend.
The essays in this volume use Madison to engage such contemporary issues as multiculturalism, federalism, the emerging democracies, the scope of international law, and faith-based policy and politics. This book speaks to both the past and present of the American republic.
The remarkable history of The Heritage Foundation, its influential founder, and the conservative movement in America. Leading the Way tells the story of how Ed Feulner has transformed policymaking in Washington and has led The Heritage Foundation into becoming the most influential conservative think tank in the nation. Under Ed Feulner and for 36 years, Heritage has shaped politics with conservative solutions for such critical issues as entitlements, national security, missile defense, health care, welfare reform, immigration, free trade, energy, and the role of the family and religion in society. Today, with over hundreds of thousands of members and an annual budget of more than $80 million, Heritage is a permanent Washington institution and the leading exponent of conservative ideas in America and around the world. The man who made it happen is Ed Feulner, intellectual entrepreneur, hands-on manager, legendary fundraiser, presidential adviser, bestselling author, and world traveler--a man who never stops and was described by The Economist as "one of the most influential conservatives in America."
Seeking Adam Smith provides a fascinating insider's explanation for why business school faculty members, including the author, bear some responsibility for the highly destructive corporate practices evident throughout the first sixteen years of the 21st century.Since the Great Recession substantial resources and effort have been expended to incorporate ethics and corporate social responsibility into business curricula. The effectiveness of these efforts has been limited because they have little impact on the technical and core business courses serving as the gateway to the highest paying jobs. Students and practitioners may be led to conclude falsely that the business world is an ethics-free zone.Seeking Adam Smith demonstrates that greed is highly destructive motive for conducting business and the notion that greed is good is nowhere to be found in the Wealth of Nations despite claims by some of the world's leading economists. Cox offers alternative economic perspectives that are more realistic and less prone to misuse than those permeating the current business curricula.Seeking Adam Smith also contains a forward written by Thomas J. Ward who served as Senior Managing Partner of Bear Stearns during its demise and an afterward by Sherron Watkins, Enron whistle-blower and Time Person of the Year 2002.
The bastard step-child of Milton Friedman and Anthony Bourdain, Socialism Sucks is a bar-crawl through former, current, and wannabe socialist countries around the world. Free market economists Robert Lawson and Benjamin Powell travel to countries like Venezuela, Cuba, Russia, and Sweden to investigate the dangers and idiocies of socialism—while drinking a lot of beer.
This book uses historical analysis, constitutional economics, and complexity theory to furnish an account of city subsidiarity as a legal, ethical, political, and economic principle. The book contemplates subsidiarity as a constitutional principle, where cities would benefit from much wider local autonomy. Constitutional economics suggests an optimal limit to jurisdictional footprints (territories). This entails preference for political orders where sovereignty is shared between different cities rather states where capital cities dominate. The introduction of city subsidiarity as a constitutional principle holds the key to economic prosperity in a globalizing world. Moreover, insights from complexity theory suggest subsidiarity is the only effective response to the ‘problem of scale.’ It is a fitness trait that prevents highly complex systems from collapsing. The nation-state is a highly complex system within which cities function as ‘attractors.’ The collapse of such systems would ensue if there were strong coupling between attractors. Such coupling obtains under legal monism. Only subsidiarity can make the eventuality of collapse improbable. The emergent and self-organizing properties of subsidiarity entail a shift in policy emphasis towards cities with a wide margin of autonomy.
"About half of the essays date back to panels of the American Society for Political and Legal Philosophy that were held in January of 2007 (at the annual meeting of the American Association of Law Schools; the remainder were delivered at a conference held at the University of Texas Law in September 2012"--Preface.
. . . Roth s book is useful and valuable. Using modern secular thought as his starting point, he reaches roughly the same conclusions that one would reach reasoning from the older Christian tradition. There is certainly much to like about that effort. Paul A. Cleveland, Markets & Morality This book is one of the best discussions of welfare economics since Murray Rothbard s classic paper of 1956 Toward a Reconstruction of Utility and Welfare Economics . David Gordon, The Mises Review Timothy Roth shows that social welfare theory, as currently defended by welfare economists and policymakers, is based on a confused and untenable moral theory, is incompatible with a rights-based legal order and is bound to promote unjust and arbitrary redistributions. By advocating a return to the Kantian conception of the moral agent, Roth shows the way to a normative economics that harmonizes with both intuitive morality and the American legal and constitutional tradition. Roger Scruton, Writer and Philosopher, formerly University Professor and Professor of Philosophy at Boston University, US The moral imperative of individual autonomy, embodied in the Kantian Rawlsian perspective on social order, cannot be reconciled with the utilitarian presuppositions that inform normative applications of modern economics. This book exposes the contradictions that are present when the basic philosophical foundations are ignored, a stance that is, unfortunately, characteristic of much modern discourse as well as political practice. James M. Buchanan, George Mason University, US and a Nobel Laureate At a time when technical economics dominates the thinking of much of the profession, it is important to be reminded that economics has roots in moral philosophy. Certainly this book, which deftly explores the ethical prior commitments underlying economic analysis, succeeds in bringing philosophical issues to the forefront. But it does more. Roth s closely reasoned study provides a clear exposition of the Kantian Rawlsian approach to public policy, and thus is able to establish a convincing critique of orthodox welfare theory. In general, the book offers a valuable change of perspective on social questions. Eirik G. Furubotn, Texas A&M University, US Because it is technically flawed and morally bankrupt, the author argues, the economist s consequence-based, procedurally detached theory of the state has contributed to the growth of government. As part of the Kantian Rawlsian contractarian project, this book seeks to return economics to its foundations in moral philosophy. Given the moral equivalence of persons, the greatest possible equal participation must be promoted, persons must be impartially treated and, because it is grounded in consequentialist social welfare theory (SWT), the economist s theory of the state must be rejected. Ad hoc deployment of SWT has facilitated discriminatory rent seeking and contributed to larger government. In contrast, this book argues that equal political participation and a constitutional impartiality constraint minimize rent seeking, respect individual perceptions of the public good and underwrite the legitimacy of government. Economists, moral philosophers and political scientists will find this book a unique contribution to the literature.