This book contains meritocratic and technocratic education where citizens and governments can become more independent and professional in democracy, meritocracy, technocracy, law enforcement, integrity, independent economy, honest and fair economy, humanity, justice, peace, and harmony. This book also contains character education, political education, legal education, ethics, morals, democracy, meritocracy, autocracy, integrity, good governance, government systems, international systems, and world order.
This historic book may have numerous typos and missing text. Purchasers can usually download a free scanned copy of the original book (without typos) from the publisher. Not indexed. Not illustrated. 1903 edition. Excerpt: ... CHAPTER VIII. THE PLUTOCRATS AND THE JUDICIARY. We distributed what we had to say of the legislative and executive each, in the foregoing, under State, municipal and national heads, but for reasons already given, this chapter will pay but little attention to these divisions. It will become more and more manifest to one, as he reads it, that the lines making American government tripartite--that is, State, municipal and national --are not drawn hard and fast through the judiciary as they are in the legislative and executive, and therefore our proper treatment of the judiciary requires that these lines be much more often disregarded than kept in view. We must tell you at first, how the plutocrats fill American courts to suit themselves; and we begin with the State courts. In more than half of the States judges are elected by the people, in some by the legislature, and in the rest they are appointed by the governor. Under the command of the plutocrats, the machine irresistibly leads on the primary, or convention, or caucus of the legislature, nominating, or the executive appointing, to name only those whom they want for judges. The candidacy of a non-plutocrat is always prevented if possible. With every decade they find it more easy to avoid objectionable candidates. The constitutions direct that nobody but a lawyer can be a judge. As a general rule, only a lawyer of some reputation will be an available candidate. To gain this reputation he must have had a fair practice. For a generation or more anti-corporation practice his steadily become less, and corporation practice more lucrative, and consequently corporation lawyers now lead the bar everywhere, and, as a general rule, there are no others that will come into the mind of anybody when a...
This book contains strengthening democracy where citizens and government can become more independent and professional in democracy, meritocracy, law enforcement, integrity, independent economy, honest and fair economy, humanity, justice, peace, and harmony. This book also contains political education, legal education, ethics, morals, democracy, meritocracy, autocracy, integrity, government, government systems, international systems, and world order.
This book aims to further an understanding of present day America by exploring counter-hegemony to the rule of capital and offering guidelines for strategizing change proceeding from the dialectic of What Is and What Ought to Be. The author analyzes neoliberal global order and its political expressions through discussions of the dominance of finance capital in the late twentieth century, the triumph of ideology, the closing of avenues to reform, the problem of the captive state, and a sociological analysis of rule by “divide and conquer.” The book concludes with a look at the history of movement politics in culture, arts, economics, and politics. It resounds with a hope that challenges to hegemony can use many paths to change, of which the electoral path is but one of many fronts, in the long-term struggle for radical reform.
Combining cultural theory, discourse analysis and new historicism with readings of the works of major contemporary authors, this study concludes that "the Jew" is characterized unstereotypically as the embodiment of uncertainty within English literature and society.
This volume contains Chesterton's commentaries and reflections on what he saw on his travels in America and Rome, plus an appendix on how America saw Chesterton. On January 10, 1921, Gilbert and Frances Chesterton began a three month tour of the United States. During their first stop in the City of New York, Chesterton examined the lights of Broadway and proclaimed: "What a glorious garden of wonders this would be to anyone who was lucky enough to be unable to read." In his writing on America, Chesterton shows a remarkable ability for sympathetic appreciation of the principle traits of America. He would acquire an uncanny clear-sightedness about many things in America that it would not be an exaggeration to call clairvoyant. One greatness recognized another greatness, and one can say that Chesterton truly knew something profound about America. Throughout the 1920's and 1930's, Chesterton's travels included Jerusalem, Ireland, North America and Rome. This volume contains his reflections on his 1921 and 1930-31 tour of North America and his 1929 trip to Rome. Readers will enjoy the great man's impressions of city skyscrapers, rural America, the politics of Washington, as well as his views of Pope Pius XI, the Eternal City, Mussolini and Fascism. The introduction to this volume was written by Dr. Robert Royal, Vice President of the Ethics and Public Policy Center, Washington, D.C. The appendix was compiled by the late Chairman of the Northeastern Chapter of the G.K. Chesterton Society, Mr. Robert Knille. The appendix gives the newspaper accounts of Chesterton's 1921 trip to America. It contains generous excerpts of the speeches, interviews and comments G.K.C. made during his tour. Most of the material provided has never appeared in book form.
Are we now, or have we ever been, a nation? As this century comes to a close, debates over immigration policy, racial preferences, and multiculturalism challenge the consensus that formerly grounded our national culture. The question of our national identity is as urgent as it has ever been in our history. Is our society disintegrating into a collection of separate ethnic enclaves, or is there a way that we can forge a coherent, unified identity as we enter the 21st century? In this "marvelously written, wide-ranging and thought-provoking"* book, Michael Lind provides a comprehensive revisionist view of the American past and offers a concrete proposal for nation-building reforms to strengthen the American future. He shows that the forces of nationalism and the ideal of a trans-racial melting pot need not be in conflict with each other, and he provides a practical agenda for a liberal nationalist revolution that would combine a new color-blind liberalism in civil rights with practical measures for reducing class-based barriers to racial integration. A stimulating critique of every kind of orthodox opinion as well as a vision of a new "Trans-American" majority, The Next American Nation may forever change the way we think and talk about American identity. *New York Newsday
