The history of African American studies is often told as a heroic tale, with compelling images of black power and passionate African American students who refused to take no for an answer. Noliwe M. Rooks argues for the recognition of another story, which proves that many of the programs that survived actually began as a result of white philanthropy. With unflinching honesty, Rooks shows that the only way to create a stable future for African American studies is by confronting its complex past.
James Anderson critically reinterprets the history of southern black education from Reconstruction to the Great Depression. By placing black schooling within a political, cultural, and economic context, he offers fresh insights into black commitment to education, the peculiar significance of Tuskegee Institute, and the conflicting goals of various philanthropic groups, among other matters. Initially, ex-slaves attempted to create an educational system that would support and extend their emancipation, but their children were pushed into a system of industrial education that presupposed black political and economic subordination. This conception of education and social order--supported by northern industrial philanthropists, some black educators, and most southern school officials--conflicted with the aspirations of ex-slaves and their descendants, resulting at the turn of the century in a bitter national debate over the purposes of black education. Because blacks lacked economic and political power, white elites were able to control the structure and content of black elementary, secondary, normal, and college education during the first third of the twentieth century. Nonetheless, blacks persisted in their struggle to develop an educational system in accordance with their own needs and desires.
Analyzing the circumstances surrounding the creation and development of the Atlanta University System, this book shows how philanthropists' positive involvement created a unique higher educational center for black Americans that exists nowhere else in the nation.
“A book that both taught me so much and also kept me on the edge of my seat. It is an invaluable text from a supremely talented writer.” —Clint Smith, author of How the Word is Passed The definitive history of the pervasiveness of racial inequality in American higher education America’s colleges and universities have a shameful secret: they have never given Black people a fair chance to succeed. From its inception, our higher education system was not built on equality or accessibility, but on educating—and prioritizing—white students. Black students have always been an afterthought. While governments and private donors funnel money into majority white schools, historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs), and other institutions that have high enrollments of Black students, are struggling to survive, with state legislatures siphoning away federal funds that are legally owed to these schools. In The State Must Provide, Adam Harris reckons with the history of a higher education system that has systematically excluded Black people from its benefits. Harris weaves through the legal, social, and political obstacles erected to block equitable education in the United States, studying the Black Americans who fought their way to an education, pivotal Supreme Court cases like Plessy v. Ferguson and Brown v. Board of Education, and the government’s role in creating and upholding a segregated education system. He explores the role that Civil War–era legislation intended to bring agricultural education to the masses had in creating the HBCUs that have played such a major part in educating Black students when other state and private institutions refused to accept them. The State Must Provide is the definitive chronicle of higher education’s failed attempts at equality and the long road still in front of us to remedy centuries of racial discrimination—and poses a daring solution to help solve the underfunding of HBCUs. Told through a vivid cast of characters, The State Must Provide examines what happened before and after schools were supposedly integrated in the twentieth century, and why higher education remains broken to this day.
This book illuminates the philanthropic impulse that has influenced women's education and its place in the broader history of philanthropy in America. Contributing to the history of women, education, and philanthropy, the book shows how voluntary activity and home-grown educational enterprise were as important as big donors in the development of philanthropy. The essays in Women and Philanthropy in Education are generally concerned with local rather than national effects of philanthropy, and the giving of time rather than monetary support. Many of the essays focus on the individual lives of female philanthropists (Olivia Sage, Martha Berry) and teachers (Tsuda Umeko, Catharine Beecher), offering personal portraits of philanthropy in the 19th and 20th centuries. These stories provide evidence of the key role played by women in the development of philanthropy and its importance to the education of women. Philanthropic and Nonprofit Studies -- Dwight F. Burlingame and David C. Hammack, editors
Analyzing the circumstances surrounding the creation and development of the Atlanta University System, this book shows how philanthropists' positive involvement created a unique higher educational center for black Americans that exists nowhere else in the nation.
Since its publication in 1944, many Americans have described Gunnar Myrdal's An American Dilemma as a defining text on U.S. race relations. Here, Maribel Morey confirms with historical evidence what many critics of the book have suspected: An American Dilemma was not commissioned, funded, or written with the goal of challenging white supremacy. Instead, Morey reveals it was commissioned by Carnegie Corporation president Frederick Keppel, and researched and written by Myrdal, with the intent of solidifying white rule over Black people in the United States. Morey details the complex global origins of An American Dilemma, illustrating its links to Carnegie Corporation's funding of social science research meant to help white policymakers in the Anglo-American world address perceived problems in their governance of Black people. Morey also unpacks the text itself, arguing that Myrdal ultimately complemented his funder's intentions for the project by keeping white Americans as his principal audience and guiding them towards a national policy program on Black Americans that would keep intact white domination. Because for Myrdal and Carnegie Corporation alike, international order rested on white Anglo-Americans' continued ability to dominate effectively.
This book examines the history of 20th century racial segregation in Kentucky higher education, the last state in the South to enact legislation banning interracial education in private schools and the first to remove it. In five chapters and an epilogue, the book traces the growth of racism, the period of acceptance of racism, the black community's efforts for reform, the stresses of "separate and unequal," and the unrelenting pressure to desegregate Kentucky schools. Different tactics, ranging from community and religious organization support to legislative and legal measures, that were used for specific campaigns are described in detail. The final chapters of the book describe the struggles of college presidents faced with student turmoil, persistent societal resistance from whites (both locally and legislatively), and changing expectations, after the 1954 Supreme Court decision in "Brown V. Board of Education" broadened desegregation to all public schools and the responsibility for desegregation shifted from politically driven state legislators or governors to college governing boards. Appendices contain tabular data on demographics, state appropriations, and admissions to public and private colleges and universities in Kentucky. (Contains approximately 550 notes and bibliographic references.) (Bf).
