A selection of the most important writings on the philosophy of National Socialism by one of its key proponents. Colin Jordan was one of the most important post war political activists and formed th World Union of National Socialists.
Since the postwar period a truthful and transparent approach to National Socialist ideology has always remained elusive. The most common approach is to pass off National Socialism as a movement without ideological substance, which merely reacted to events, took advantage of political upheavals and, in some mysterious way, hypnotised the masses with the hysterical rhapsody of anti-Semitism. Thus National Socialism has been stereotyped as a creed as baseless as it was incoherent. This book seeks to shed light on the principles and philosophy of National Socialism, and what it meant to the millions of Europeans who gave their lives to its ideals and creed. Contrary to popular opinion, Hitler's and the National Socialist 'Worldview' was not based on 'anti-Semitism' - the Jewish question was at best a minor irritant to the Third Reich - it had nothing to do with 'mysticism' or the 'occult', and it certainly did not promote the idea that the people of Germany were a 'Master Race'. The National Socialist Worldview was based on far deeper and timeless principles which existed long before the creation of the Third Reich, and which will remain long after mankind has ceased to exist. Seventy years of lies and simplifications must be left behind in order to understand the principles that underpinned National Socialist ideology. This book is an invitation to those adventurous and nonconformist spirits who dare to examine pages censured by official historiography. Uncovering the ideological foundations of National Socialism, with a free spirit and an open mind, will be an enlightening and rewarding adventure.
The Unpredictable Constitution brings together a distinguished group of U.S. Supreme Court Justices and U.S. Court of Appeals Judges, who are some of our most prominent legal scholars, to discuss an array of topics on civil liberties. In thoughtful and incisive essays, the authors draw on decades of experience to examine such wide-ranging issues as how legal error should be handled, the death penalty, reasonable doubt, racism in American and South African courts, women and the constitution, and government benefits. Contributors: Richard S. Arnold, Martha Craig Daughtry, Harry T. Edwards, Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Betty B. Fletcher, A. Leon Higginbotham, Jr., Lord Irvine of Lairg, Jon O. Newman, Sandra Day O'Connor, Richard A. Posner, Stephen Reinhardt, and Patricia M. Wald.
"The power which has always started the greatest religious and political avalanches in history rolling has from time immemorial been the magic power of the spoken word, and that alone."--Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf As historians have long noted, public oratory has seldom been as pivotal in generating and sustaining the vitality of a movement as it was during the rise and rule of the National Socialist Party, from 1919 to 1945. Led by the charismatic and indefatigable Hitler, National Socialists conducted one of the most powerful rhetorical campaigns ever recorded. Indeed, the mass addresses, which were broadcast live on radio, taped for re-broadcast, and in many cases filmed for play on theater newsreels throughout the Third Reich, constituted one of the most thorough exploitations of media in history. Because such evil lay at the heart of the National Socialist movement, its overwhelming rhetoric has often been negatively characterized as propaganda. As Randall Bytwerk points out, however, the "propaganda" label was anything but negative in the minds of the leaders of the National Socialist movement. In their view, the clear, simplistic, and even one-sided presentation of information was necessary to mobilize effectively all elements of the German population into the National Socialist program. Gathered here are thirteen key speeches of this historically significant movement, including Hitler's announcement of the party's reestablishment in 1925 following the unsuccessful Beer Hall Putsch, four addresses by Joseph Goebbels, the 1938 Kristallnacht speech by Julius Streicher, and four speeches drafted as models for party leaders' use on various public occasions. The volume concludes with Adolf Hitler's final public address on January 30, 1945, three months before his suicide. Several of these works are presented for the first time in English translation. Bytwerk provides a brief introduction to each speech and allows the reader to trace the development and downfall of the Nazi party. Landmark Speeches of National Socialism is an important volume for students of rhetoric, World War II, Nazi Germany, and the Holocaust. RANDALL L. BYTWERK is a professor of communication arts and sciences at Calvin College in Grand Rapids, Michigan. The author of two previous volumes on Nazi rhetoric and propaganda, he holds a Ph.D. from Northwestern University.
How American race law provided a blueprint for Nazi Germany Nazism triumphed in Germany during the high era of Jim Crow laws in the United States. Did the American regime of racial oppression in any way inspire the Nazis? The unsettling answer is yes. In Hitler's American Model, James Whitman presents a detailed investigation of the American impact on the notorious Nuremberg Laws, the centerpiece anti-Jewish legislation of the Nazi regime. Contrary to those who have insisted that there was no meaningful connection between American and German racial repression, Whitman demonstrates that the Nazis took a real, sustained, significant, and revealing interest in American race policies. As Whitman shows, the Nuremberg Laws were crafted in an atmosphere of considerable attention to the precedents American race laws had to offer. German praise for American practices, already found in Hitler's Mein Kampf, was continuous throughout the early 1930s, and the most radical Nazi lawyers were eager advocates of the use of American models. But while Jim Crow segregation was one aspect of American law that appealed to Nazi radicals, it was not the most consequential one. Rather, both American citizenship and antimiscegenation laws proved directly relevant to the two principal Nuremberg Laws—the Citizenship Law and the Blood Law. Whitman looks at the ultimate, ugly irony that when Nazis rejected American practices, it was sometimes not because they found them too enlightened, but too harsh. Indelibly linking American race laws to the shaping of Nazi policies in Germany, Hitler's American Model upends understandings of America's influence on racist practices in the wider world.
National Socialism and Adolf Hitler worldview. The book is design in a fashion that reads like a large F.A.Q from a National Socialist in the 21st century.
Colin Jordan and Britain's Neo-Nazi Movement casts fresh light on one of post-war Britain's most notorious fascists, using him to examine the contemporary history of the extreme right. The book explores the wide range of neo-Nazi groups that Colin Jordan led, contributed to and inspired throughout his time as Britain's foremost promoter of Nazi ideology. In a period stretching from the close of the Second World War right up to the 2000s, Colin Jordan became politically engaged with a multitude of Nazi-inspired extremist groups, either as leader or as a key protagonist. Moreover, Jordan also developed critical relationships with larger, competitor extreme-right organisations and parties, including the Mosley's Union Movement, the National Front and the most recent incarnation of the British National Party. He fostered a number of transnational links throughout his years of activism as well, especially with American neo-Nazis. In recent years, his writings and somewhat idealised profile have been adopted by more contemporary extremist organisations, such as the British People's Party and a rekindled British Movement, who look to Jordan as an inspirational figure for their own reconfigurations of a National Socialist agenda. By examining this history, drawing on a wide range of fresh primary sources, Colin Jordan and Britain's Neo-Nazi Movement offers a new analysis on the nature and workings of Nazi-inspired political extremism in post-war Britain. It is an important study for anyone interested in the history of fascism, extreme ideologies and the political and social history of Britain since the Second World War.
Gottfried Feder's "Manifesto For Breaking The Financial Slavery To Interest" is one of a series of three books by the important, albeit now obscure German campaigner against parasitic debt-finance-capitalism. It was Feder who gave opposition to debt-finance and a demand for a new banking system a technical foundation without which the National Socialist economic and financial policies might not have gone beyond a vague enmity towards capitalism because of its identification with Jews. Feder attempted to interest the Munich Soviet in his ideas for banking reform, but in good Marxist fashion, this fell on deaf ears. It was left to the embryonic National Socialist group to see in Feder's ideas the means of achieving both freedom from debt-bondage and the means by which the state could assume its prime duty to issue the community's own credit, limited only by its productivity and creativity. Even though, as the Reich progressed, Feder, like many other early idealists, was relegated to minor rank within the Third Reich, his fundamental ideas provided the basis for Germany's socio-economic revival while the rest of the world wallowed in Depression. In this respect Feder is Germany's equivalent to New Zealand's John A. Lee, Australia's Jack Lang, U.S.A.'s Father Charles Coughlin, and Britain's C. H. Douglas and Arthur Kitson. Feder deserves an honoured place amongst the early fighters against usury-capital, a subject which continues to be, perhaps more than ever, of vital relevance to the world.
An incendiary work of scholarship arguing that racism was the driving force behind Nazism, rather than a by-product of it—essential reading in an age of renewed fears of bigotry, tyranny, and fascism. World War II was the defining event of the twentieth century, redrawing the political map in ways that continue to affect nearly the entire human race. What was unprecedented, however, was not simply the war’s scale, but its causes. Unlike previous territorial or political clashes, the war launched by Nazi Germany was an ideological one, waged to wipe entire peoples and cultures from the face of the earth. In Nazism and War, Richard Bessel, one of the preeminent authorities on the social and political history of modern Germany, demonstrates that “Nazi war was racial struggle; Nazi racial struggle was war.” War was the anvil on which Hitler’s worldview was forged: German National Socialism emerged triumphant over a country deeply scarred by defeat and eager to reclaim its greatness. As a political philosophy, Nazism glorified struggle and conflict, viewing them as the purpose of a nation and a measure of its overall condition. As a political movement and state system, Nazism made its ideology real, plunging the European continent into a war of annihilation and a sea of blood. Nazism destroyed the old Europe, and thus helped to create the world in which we live. Praise for Nazism and War “[A] stimulating and thoughtful volume.”—Richard Overy, Literary Review “[A] rich, well-rounded portrait . . . offers both the serious scholar and the lay reader a concise yet comprehensive perspective on the events and horrors of that period.”—Publishers Weekly “[An] impressive study . . . highly recommended.”—Library Journal “Clear, engaging, and quietly profound.”—Booklist
Ever since its first publication in 1992, the New York Times bestselling The End of History and the Last Man has provoked controversy and debate. "Profoundly realistic and important...supremely timely and cogent...the first book to fully fathom the depth and range of the changes now sweeping through the world." —The Washington Post Book World Francis Fukuyama's prescient analysis of religious fundamentalism, politics, scientific progress, ethical codes, and war is as essential for a world fighting fundamentalist terrorists as it was for the end of the Cold War. Now updated with a new afterword, The End of History and the Last Man is a modern classic.