Mali Political Instability. West African Sahara State. While Mali has long been considered as a relative 'no interest' zone by the international community (because of its apparent democratic normality and the absence of strategic resources), other African countries, such as Libya and Algeria, have made this country, and the northern regions in particular, central to their Sahel leadership strategies. The inability of the Malian government to assert its political and military presence in the northern areas has greatly facilitated those foreign interferences. Amadou Toumani Touré's voluntary relinquishment of state sovereignty in some northern areas exacerbated that sense of impunity. At the same time, fragmentation between northern communities has provided Mali's neighbours with the ideal levers to establish their presence and/or their leadership in the region. For security, political or economic reasons, other countries in the region have used this area for their own gains, and thereby directly contributed to local instability and national tensions between north and south
In March 2012, the government of Mali, one of the most touted symbols of Africa's democratic potential, fell in a military-executed coup. At the same time, a 4-decades old rebellion among Tuaregs seeking autonomy or independence reached new heights fueled by weapons from Libya and the belief that the Arab Spring could extend to northern Mali. Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) and their allies were quick to capitalize on the increasing chaos in a territory characterized by lack of government control and poverty and seized the major cities in the north. While French-led military intervention restored security to cities in the north, the underlying social, economic and political issues of the crisis remain.
The 2012 conflict in northern Mali has shown that many assumptions about Mali's political stability, internal cohesion, and military capabilities were deeply flawed. The January 2013 French-led military intervention scattered the insurgents, but the conditions and drivers that brought about the crisis in the first place have yet to be addressed. This report is intended to assist with the post-conflict planning in northern Mali by examining the historical, economic, and social factors that drive conflict in northern Mali and the different groups that have been involved in the conflict. The authors argue that, in the absence of a large international presence, durable security in northern Mali will have to be provided, to a large extent, by local actors. The authors draw on historical examples of rebellions in Mali since 1916 to show how detailed knowledge of the different local actors and their political dynamics can help in finding solutions that will bring lasting security and stability to the region.
The crisis is an outgrowth of the colonial period which had strained and eventually torn the social fabrics of the region. French colonial policies regarding education, administration, an economics had contributed to a competitive and divisive atmosphere. Now, Mali suffers from widespread ethnic separatism. The socialist regime of newly-indepenent Mali failed to reconcile the alienated communities of the northern regions. The peoples of the south, too, were dissatisfied with their oppressive government–something which deepend the young country’s political crisis. This environment produced the so-called “Tuareg rebellion”. The fierce clashes in the early stages of the rebellion and the drought in Mali’s northern regions led to massive migrations of Tuaregs to neighbouring countries. Changes in the regional environment in the 1990s brought new dimensions to the crisis. The Algerian Civil War, the end to the war in Afghanistan, and the Libyan embargo precipitated the spread of terrorism, trafficking, the drug trade, and cross-border criminal networks. Collectively, these phenomena created a new constellation of power in northern Mali. The international economic crisis and the developments known as the “Arab Spring”, along with shifting geo-strategic dynamics in the Indian and Pacific Oceans, have pushed Africa into an arena for international disputes and rivalries. Mali has been one of the foremost countries to be affected. Transformations at the global level have pressured most governments to defend their traditional interests. Some powers, in contrast, have been scanning for openings and opportunities in the weaknesses of others. BRICS have thus managed to emerge as new powers on the African continent traditionally dominated by France, the U.K., and to a lesser extent, the U.S.
In March 2012, the government of Mali, one of the most touted symbols of Africa's democratic potential, fell in a military-executed coup. At the same time, a 4-decades old rebellion among Tuaregs seeking autonomy or independence reached new heights fueled by weapons from Libya and the belief that the Arab Spring could extend to northern Mali. Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) and their allies were quick to capitalize on the increasing chaos in a territory characterized by lack of government control and poverty and seized the major cities in the north. While French-led military intervention restored security to cities in the north, the underlying social, economic and political issues of the crisis remain.
Seminar paper from the year 2021 in the subject Politics - Region: Africa, grade: A, , course: Contemporary African Politics, language: English, abstract: Despite massive international engagement by the EU, USA, and various other actors, the conflicts in the Sahel region of Africa do not seem to boil down in the near future. This paper explores the root causes of the conflict, shedding light on the historical background of the Tuareg rebellions and the marginalization of the north of Mali. It proceeds to the current stage of the conflict while examining some drivers of instability. The main focus of this work is on the failed solutions the Malian government has introduced to control the conflict, most of them falling prey to internal corruption, militarization, and power disputes. It is argued that any long-term solution needs to take institutional aspects and the neglect of the north of Mali into account, including negotiations with the most important stakeholders.
Mali Political Conflict. Mali Crises, The history of Mali Civil War. A Book. Historical lack of understanding and mutual distrust between Bamako and its northern territory have played an important role in Malian instability for decades. By ignoring northern aspirations for economic development (especially social and economic infrastructure) or political representation (lack of governmental seats for instance), the Malian authorities have paved the way for violent contestation and separatist actions. The popular support among Tuareg and Arab populations for some rebel movements and armed groups, and the authority the rebel leaders have had over some northern populations, are good illustrations of the inequalities collectively experienced by the northern population. The subsequent rebellions in Mali have, in turn, aggravated the long-standing community distrust. The aftermath of the rebellions and the negotiations that led to 'peace agreements' also fostered tensions among northern communities, as some groups used those situations to advance their own interests. The ethnic divisions and lawlessness, due to the withdrawal of the Malian state, that characterised the aftermath of rebellions presented a window of opportunity for terrorist groups to settle in the north. Thriving on illicit trafficking and mixing with local populations, these groups managed to gradually gain influence before the 2012 crisis
In March 2012, the government of Mali, one of the most touted symbols of Africa's democratic potential, fell in a military-executed coup. At the same time, a 4-decades old rebellion among Tuaregs seeking autonomy or independence reached new heights fueled by weapons from Libya and the belief that the Arab Spring could extend to northern Mali. Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) and their allies were quick to capitalize on the increasing chaos in a territory characterized by lack of government control and poverty and seized the major cities in the north. While French-led military intervention restored security to cities in the north, the underlying social, economic and political issues of the crisis remain.
In March 2012, the government of Mali, one of the most touted symbols of Africa's democratic potential fell in a military-executed coup. At the same time, a 4-decade-old rebellion among Tuaregs seeking autonomy or independence reached new heights, fueled by weapons from Muammar Gadaffi's fallen government and perhaps the belief that the Arab Spring could extend to northern Mali. Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) and their allies were quick to capitalize on the increasing chaos in a territory characterized by lack of government control and poverty and seized the major cities in the north. The imposition of a severe form of Islamic law and a growing food crisis sent the population fleeing south across Mali's international borders. The French-led military intervention, Operation SERVAL, ousted the militants from the main cities in the north, but did not address the crisis' underlying issues including the grievances that feed the Tuareg nationalist movement, the establishment of a civilianled government in Mali, and the near- and long-term threats to food security. The eruption of this crisis also demands a critical look at the Sahel's regional security framework, and the U.S. role in it.In Part I, Background to the Crisis, the author explores the deeper background to the crisis and sets it within Mali's historical and geographical context. Though it was a major world power in the Middle Ages the former Malian Empire had long lost its economic strength by the time the European countries colonized Africa. To control their territory, the French used military means to try to bring the pastoralists in the Sahel, such as the Tuareg, under control. Independent since 1960, Mali struggled to develop political institutions and achieve economic growth. After years of dictatorial rule, Mali transitioned to democracy in 1992. Despite considerable economic aid from the United States, it remained one of the poorest countries in the region. Indeed, the neighborhood, the Sahel zone that runs east to west through the continent, is a zone of poor, ungoverned spaces, sometimes referred to as the “arc of instability.”In Part II: The Crisis Unfolds, the author examines the recent events that created the volatile conditions leading to the crisis. The Tuareg nationalist movement has existed for over 40 years; there have been at least four periods of rebellion, and military force has been the primary response from the central government. Gadaffi had long been a supporter of the Tuareg, employing them in trusted positions within his military. The fall of his regime sent many Tuaregs home, laden with heavy weaponry, escalating the rebellion to new heights. Due to a steady expansion into the Sahel zone over the last decade, AQIM was well poised to capitalize on the anarchy and seize the north's major cities.The fall of Gao, Timbuktu, and Kidal to AQIM illustrates the need for a critical examination of the U.S.- led regional security framework, which is the focus of Part III: The Regional Security Framework in the Sahel. Numerous factors hindered the effectiveness of this framework, including the newness of the military partnerships with regional governments, their differing strategic level interests, and the wide range of capabilities among their armed forces. Building partner counterterrorism capability to meet the transnational al-Qaeda threat was the primary focus of the security framework through programs such as the Pan Sahel Initiative (PSI) and the Trans Sahel Counter Terrorism Partnership (TSCTP). However, it was ill-prepared for a complex crisis that included a largely secular nationalist rebellion, the overthrow of a civilian government by U.S.-trained soldiers, and a large-scale humanitarian crisis.
Long on the margins of both scholarly and policy concerns, the countries of the West African Sahel have recently attracted world attention, primarily as a key battleground in the global 'war on terror'. This book moves beyond this narrow focus, providing a multidimensional and interdisciplinary assessment of the region in all of its complexity. The focus is on the six countries at the heart of the Sahelian geographic space: Senegal, Mauritania, Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, and Chad. Collectively, the chapters explore the commonalities and interconnections that link these countries and their fates, while also underscoring their diversity and the variations in their current realities. The Sahel today is at an important crossroads, under multiple pressures of diverse kinds: environmental, political, demographic, and economic, as well as rapidly changing social and religious dynamics. It is also marked by striking dynamism and experimentation, drawing on a long history of innovation and cultural transfer. In many ways the Sahel is today on the cutting edge of grand natural experiments exploring how humans will adapt to climate change, to technological innovation, to the global movement of populations and the restructuring of world politics, to urbanization, social change, and rapid demographic growth, and to inter-religious contact. The region is a weathervane on the front lines of the forces of global change. In nine thematic sections, the chapters in this book offer holistic analyses of the key forces shaping the region. Including scholars based in Africa, Europe, and the United States, the authors represent an exceptional breadth and depth of expertise on the Sahel.
