Iraq's political system, the result of a U.S.-supported election process, continues to be riven by sectarianism and ethnic and factional infighting. The Administration is expressing optimism that the passage of key laws in 2008, including a law to govern new provincial elections to held in early 2009, will heal remaining rifts and continue to reduce violence. See CRS Report RL31339, Iraq: Post-Saddam Governance and Security, by Kenneth Katzman.
Presents the findings of the bipartisan Iraq Study Group, which was formed in 2006 to examine the situation in Iraq and offer suggestions for the American military's future involvement in the region.
Overall frequency of violence in Iraq is down to levels not seen since 2003, yet insurgents are still able to conduct high profile attacks in several major cities. These attacks have not caused a modification of the announcement by Pres. Obama that all U.S. combat brigades would be withdrawn by 8/31/10. Contents of this report: (1) Policy in the 1990s Emphasized Containment; (2) Post-9/11: Regime Change and War; (3) Post-Saddam Transition and Governance; (4) Econ. Reconstruction and U.S. Assistance; (5) Security Challenges and Responses; (6) Iraq Study Group Report, Legis. Proposals, and Options for the Obama Admin.; (7) Stepped Up Internat. and Regional Diplomacy; (8) Reorg. the Political Structure, and ¿Federalism; (9) Econ. Measures. Map.
Iraq's political system, the result of a U.S.-supported election process, is increasingly characterized by peaceful competition rather than violence, as well as by cross-sectarian alliances. However, ethnic and factional infighting continue to affect national decision-making and security. Some believe that Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki, strengthened politically by the January 31, 2009, provincial elections, is increasingly authoritarian, in part to ensure that he holds power after the planned March 2010 national elections. Maliki is widely assessed as gaining control of the security services and building new security organs loyal to him personally. He also has formed cross-sectarian alliances with a wide range of Sunni and Kurdish factions to counter new coalitions by a wide range of erstwhile allies and former opponents. The continuing infighting among the major communities delayed the National Assembly's passage of the election law needed to hold the early 2010 national elections. The next Assembly will have 325 seats, compared to 275 seats in the current Assembly. The election date has been set for March 7, 2010, well beyond the January 31, 2010, date that was originally targeted. Based partly on the continued relatively low levels of violence in Iraq in February 2009 the Obama Administration announced a reduction of the U.S. troop presence to about 50,000 U.S. forces by August 2010. Under the U.S.-Iraq Security Agreement that took effect January 1, 2009, all U.S. forces are to be out of Iraq by the end of 2011. Senior U.S. military leaders have said in January 2010 that the U.S. draw-down plans are "on track" and have not been altered by the violence or the election delay. Nor have the recent attacks reignited large-scale sectarian violence that could cause a U.S. reevaluation of its plans.
This accessible guide has been fully updated to take into account the Iraq War and subsequent developments, whilst retaining its character as a non-partisan and approachable text for students and interested readers alike. The twentieth century witnessed the transformation of the area known currently as Iraq from a backward region of the Ottoman Empire, to one of the most important and dynamic states in the Middle East. The rise of modern Iraq has its roots in the second half of the nineteenth century when Ottoman reforms led to gradual state modernization and increasing integration in the World Economy. British control after World War I was one of the determining factors in the establishment of the current borders of the country and the nature of its subsequent national identity. The other important factor was the highly heterogeneous nature of Iraqi society being divided along tribal, ethnic, religious, and sectarian lines. This book focuses on the interaction between the old and the new, or between continuity and change, as it is manifested in the nature of social development, nation-building, the state and the political opposition. An entirely new chapter focusing on the recent conflict has been added, and will contain sections on: The new chapter will have the following sections: The Question of American Intervention Invasion and the Fall of Saddam Looting & the Collapse of the Central State The Provisional Authority’s Reforms The Nature of the Resistance Iraq’s New Political Reality Elections and the Rise of Sectarian Parties Social-Economic Transformations The Challenge of the Future.
This book focuses on the notion of legitimacy to explain the success (or failure) of stability operations in the post-Cold War era. The author argues that the intervening force must create an enduring sense of the legitimacy of its mission among various parties such as the people of the host nation, the host government, political elites and the general public worldwide, and states in the international community that will determine and establish conditions regarding legitimate intervention.
Statement on whether or not the gov¿t. of Iraq has met 18 benchmarks contained in an Act which requires a report on the status of the achievement of these benchmarks. The benchmarks cover Iraqi gov¿t. actions needed to advance reconciliation within Iraqi society, improve the security of the Iraqi pop¿n., provide essential services to the pop¿n., & promote economic well-being. In summary, the Iraqi gov¿t. met 3, partially met 4, & did not meet 11 of its 18 benchmarks. Overall, key legislation has not been passed, violence remains high, & it is unclear whether the Iraqi govt. will spend $10 billion in reconstruction funds. The gov¿t. has not enacted legislation on de-Ba¿athification, oil revenue sharing, provincial elections, amnesty, & militia disarmament. Tables.
