This paper examines the economic impact of international remittances on countries and households in the developing world. To analyze the country-level impact of remittances, the paper estimates an econometric model based on a new data set of 115 developing countries. Results suggest that countries located close to a major remittance-sending region (like the United States, OECD-Europe) are more likely to receive international remittances, and that while the level of poverty in a country has no statistical effect on the amount of remittances received, for those countries which are fortunate enough to receive remittances these resource flows do tend to reduce the level and depth of poverty. At the household level, review of findings from recent research suggest that households receiving international remittances spend less at the margin on consumption goods-like food- and more on investment goods-like education and housing. Households receiving international remittances also tend to invest more in entrepreneurial activities.
Abstract: This paper examines the economic impact of international remittances on countries and households in the developing world. To analyze the country-level impact of remittances, the paper estimates an econometric model based on a new data set of 115 developing countries. Results suggest that countries located close to a major remittance-sending region (like the United States, OECD-Europe) are more likely to receive international remittances, and that while the level of poverty in a country has no statistical effect on the amount of remittances received, for those countries which are fortunate enough to receive remittances, these resource flows do tend to reduce the level and depth of poverty. At the household level, a review of findings from recent research suggest that households receiving international remittances spend less at the margin on consumption goods-like food-and more on investment goods-like education and housing. Households receiving international remittances also tend to invest more in entrepreneurial activities.
This paper examines the economic impact of international remittances on countries and households in the developing world. To analyze the country-level impact of remittances, the paper estimates an econometric model based on a new data set of 115 developing countries. Results suggest that countries located close to a major remittance-sending region (like the United States, OECD-Europe) are more likely to receive international remittances, and that while the level of poverty in a country has no statistical effect on the amount of remittances received, for those countries which are fortunate enough to receive remittances, these resource flows do tend to reduce the level and depth of poverty. At the household level, a review of findings from recent research suggest that households receiving international remittances spend less at the margin on consumption goods-like food-and more on investment goods-like education and housing. Households receiving international remittances also tend to invest more in entrepreneurial activities.
In this paper we survey the recent literature assessing the development impact of international migrant remittances. We begin by arguing that international migration should be fully incorporated in ongoing debates on the impact of globalization. We show that, despite methodological challenges, there is an emerging body of evidence suggesting that migrant remittances can have an important impact on development and household welfare. Remittances appear to help in poverty reduction, accumulation of human capital, investment and saving. Finally, we offer an account of existing policies and recommendations to facilitate remittance flows and to take advantage of their developmental potential.
International migration, the movement of people across international boundaries to improve economic opportunity, has enormous implications for growth and welfare in both origin and destination countries. An important benefit to developing countries is the receipt of remittances or transfers from income earned by overseas emigrants. Official data show that development countries' remittance receipts totaled 160 billion in 2004, more than twice the size of official aid. This year's edition of Global Economic Prospects focuses on remittances and migration. The bulk of the book covers remittances.
During the 2008 financial crisis, the possible changes in remittance-sending behavior and potential avenues to alleviate a probable decline in remittance flows became concerns. This book brings together a wide array of studies from around the world focusing on the recent trends in remittance flows. The authors have gathered a select group of researchers from academic, practitioner and policy making bodies. Thus the book can be seen as a conversation between the different stakeholders involved in or affected by remittance flows globally. The book is a first-of-its-kind attempt to analyze the effects of an ongoing crisis on remittance flows globally. Data analyzed by the book reveals three trends. First, The more diversified the destinations and the labour markets for migrants the more resilient are the remittances sent by migrants. Second, the lower the barriers to labor mobility, the stronger the link between remittances and economic cycles in that corridor. And third, as remittances proved to be relatively resilient in comparison to private capital flows, many remittance-dependent countries became even more dependent on remittance inflows for meeting external financing needs. There are several reasons for migration and remittances to be relatively resilient to the crisis. First, remittances are sent by the stock (cumulative flows) of migrants, not only by the recent arrivals (in fact, recent arrivals often do not remit as regularly as they must establish themselves in their new homes). Second, contrary to expectations, return migration did not take place as expected even as the financial crisis reduced employment opportunities in the US and Europe. Third, in addition to the persistence of migrant stocks that lent persistence to remittance flows, existing migrants often absorbed income shocks and continued to send money home. Fourth, if some migrants did return or had the intention to return, they tended to take their savings back to their country of origin. Finally, exchange rate movements during the crisis caused unexpected changes in remittance behavior: as local currencies of many remittance recipient countries depreciated sharply against the US dollar, they produced a “sale” effect on remittance behavior of migrants in the US and other destination countries.
We propose a simple macroeconomic model with input-output sectoral linkages based on Acemoglu et al. (2016) to quantify how changes in aggregate demand due to additional income from household’s remittances propagates through the network of input-output linkages in Sub-Saharan African countries. We first propose two network centrality measures to assess the role of some sectors as key input providers in the economy. Then, we use these measures to quantify the effect of sectoral linkages on sectoral and total output following an increase in remittances inflows. Our empirical results suggest that the effects of remittances on recipient economies increase with the degree of linkages across sectors, which is especially prominent in the case of the financial intermediation sector. Our paper contributes to the emerging macroeconomic literature on the propagation of shocks across sectors and the implications for the whole economy.
This publication showcases the beginnings of the People‘s Republic of China–Asian Development Bank knowledge sharing platform, its context, activities, challenges, and lessons learned. It concludes by mapping out the next steps to bring it to its strategic mission.
