The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the International Finance Corporation, the International Development Association, and the United Nations Special Fund are considered. Originally published in 1966. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.
Using the ILO as a case study, presents a study of supranational integration. Conceives of integration as the process by which governmental functions are transferred from nation-states to international organizations.
This book reassesses international functionalism as an approach to global politics. Functionalism has been marginalized as simply a pre-scientific precursor to regional integration theory. In fact, functionalism provides a global view of states and international organizations working towards a peaceful and constructive world order through cooperative relationships across borders to satisfy human needs. Chapters examine the early development of functionalism and apply functionalist insights to issues, problems and conflicts in contemporary global governance.
This work tries to bridge the gap between international lawyers and those political scientists who write about international politics. In the first part, the author discusses the influence of Professor Morgenthau's realist school on the current thinking of political scientists and the abandonment of this school by its originator in the last years of his life. The author concludes that the best way to test the validity of different approaches is to discuss various international crises in the light of contrasting theories and to analyze each situation from both the legal and political points of view. In particular, he tries to ascertain to what extent vital national interests could be accommodated within an international legal framework, or could require a distortion of international rules in order to achieve national objectives. In the second part, the author dissects the Entebbe raid, where Israeli forces rescued a group of hostages being detained by hijackers at a Ugandan airport. His analysis shows the deficiencies of the international system in dealing with such a complex issue, where several contradictory principles of international law could be applied and were defended by various protagonists. The third part starts with a parallel problem--the Iranian hostages crisis, where a group of U.S. officials found themselves in an unprecedented situation of being captured by a band of students. A critical analysis of the handling of this problem by the Carter Administration is followed by vignettes of other crises faced by the Administration and by its successor, the Reagan Administration. This part is less analytical and more prescriptive. The author is no long satisfied with pointing out what went wrong; instead, he departs from the usual hands-off policy of political scientists and tries to indicate how much better each situation could have been handled if the decision makers had been paying more attention to international law and international organizations. The theme is slowly developed that in the long run national interest is better served not by practicing power politics and relying on the use of threat of force but by strengthening those international institutions that can provide a neutral environment for first slowing down a crisis and then finding an equitable solution acceptable to most of the parties in conflict. The value of this book lies primarily in giving the reader a real insight into several important issues of today that are familiar to most people only from newspaper headlines and television news. While not everybody can agree with all his criticisms of the mistakes of various governments, there is an honest attempt by the author to present issues impartially and to let the blame fall where it may. Being both an international lawyer and a political scientist, the author has had the advantage of combining the methodology of these two social sciences into a rich tapestry with some startling shades and tones.
Recovering from its initial shock and resulting total absorption in the Watergate political scandal, the United States in the mid-1970s began to address itself to the moral implications of its politics, both national and international. The national concern with political values provided the 1976 presidential and congressional elections with perhaps the single most-discussed issue and continues to influence a generally more scrutinizing approach toward national policy. Are we using the best system of values to examine the nation's political problems? Must we forsake idealism for realism? These are two questions that Kenneth W. Thompson systematically discusses in his penetrating examination of the role that values play in America's political relations with the other nations of the world.In an effort to establish a common denominator for solving global problems, Thompson provides three major perspectives for policy: morality (what is right), power (what gains the most), and functionalism (what works the best to solve the problem), and he demonstrates the necessity for all three. As vice-president of the Rockefeller Foundation, Thompson was in charge of international cooperation in agriculture, education, and health in less-developed countries. In this position he gained firsthand knowledge of functionalism, which, he points out, can be practiced within the framework of power and ethics.Thompson says the issue of power -- particularly the United States' power -- in the coming century demands that nations act in a moral and rational manner. He reminds us that although experience is a competent guide, there is also much to be learned from the change that so dramatically confronts society as it moves into a world of interdependence.
The Nemesis of Power is the first book to look at the history of international relations theories. Many theorists have investigated the nature of power, studying it in its social, political, economic, intellectual and physical contexts in order to define it. Rather than present yet another definition, Harald Kleinschmidt shows how the theorists themselves have perceived and handled the concept of power and how conduct in international relations has been evaluated. Taking a broad look at international relations theories from the Roman Empire to the modern transformation of the European world picture, Kleinschmidt bridges the gap between theory and history by subjecting theory to the logic and method of historical inquiry. Drawing on original sources, he reads international relations theories against their social and cultural contexts, placing an emphasis on the ways in which changes in theory are reflections of a wider pattern of changes in culture.
In the evolving field of international relations, Functionalism is more than a theoretical concept; it's a guide to a more stable and peaceful world. My book, Functionalism in International Relations, explores this influential theory within Political Science, offering insights into its relevance and application. 1. Functionalism (International Relations): Explore Functionalism’s origins in the interwar period and its relevance today. This chapter lays the groundwork for understanding how Functionalism provides a perspective on global issues. 2. International Relations Theory: Examine the theoretical framework of international relations and how Functionalism serves as a practical tool for diplomats and policymakers, bridging theory with real-world application. 3. Neofunctionalism: Delve into Neofunctionalism, an evolution of Functionalism that enhances our understanding of regional integration and international cooperation beyond state boundaries. 4. European Integration: Discover the impact of Functionalism on European integration, from the Common Market to the European Union, and its role as a model for international collaboration. 5. David Mitrany: Learn about David Mitrany, the pioneer of Functionalism. His focus on functional cooperation remains influential and inspirational today. 6. Ernst B. Haas: Explore Haas's contributions to supranational governance and international organizations, which continue to inform our understanding of global politics. 7. Ralf Dahrendorf: Dahrendorf’s critiques of Functionalism provoke debate on power dynamics within the theory, encouraging intellectual growth. 8. State Cartel Theory: Investigate how State Cartel Theory reveals the complexities of state interests and cooperation, offering practical insights into international relations. 9. Functional Linguistics: Understand the role of language in shaping international diplomacy and relations, demonstrating that communication is crucial to global interactions. 10. Transnationalism: Examine how transnational networks, NGOs, and global citizens represent our interconnected world and challenge traditional state-centric views. 11. World Government: Consider the concept of a world government and Functionalism’s implications for this vision, pushing us to think beyond nation-states. 12. Functionalism (Philosophy of Mind): Explore the connections between Functionalism in international relations and cognitive science, highlighting interdisciplinary curiosity. 13. Structural Functionalism: See how Functionalism parallels structural functionalism in sociology, reflecting on how societal functions interlock to maintain harmony. 14. Globalism: Assess how globalism influences Functionalism, shaping our understanding of interconnectedness and shared global destinies. 15. Cultural System: Analyze the impact of culture on diplomacy and international cooperation, demonstrating how cultural factors drive global interactions. 16. Neofunctionalism (Sociology): Investigate how Neofunctionalism applies to sociology and regional integration, bridging gaps between different disciplines. 17. Regional Integration: Explore how Functionalism is evident in regional blocs like ASEAN and Mercosur, emphasizing the importance of regional cooperation. 18. Sociological Theory: Consider Functionalism’s relevance in sociological theory, showing how it connects with broader social insights. 19. Functional Psychology: Examine how psychological principles inform international relations, influencing strategies and behaviors. 20. Sociology: Understand Functionalism’s role in sociology and its impact on global politics, revealing its broader societal implications. 21. Outline of Globalization: Map out the interconnected world through Functionalism’s lens, enhancing our understanding of globalization.
Using internal documents, meeting records, personal interviews and secondary sources, Siddiqi analyses WHO policies and programmes from a non-medical perspective. He examines charges of politicization and traces their rise over the past two decades, including their recent link to fears about a complete breakdown of multilateral cooperation. Siddiqi also chronicles the Malaria Eradication Programme from its enthusiastic inauguration in the 1950s to its demise and substitution by less ambitious initiatives after 1969. Through this case study he illumines a strategic shift in WHO policyfrom the 'vertical' approach of targeting a single disease to a 'horizontal', multi-pronged attack on a spectrum of health problems.
This work tries to bridge the gap between international lawyers and those political scientists who write about international politics. In the first part, the author discusses the influence of Professor Morgenthau's realist school on the current thinking of political scientists and the abandonment of this school by its originator in the last years of his life. The author concludes that the best way to test the validity of different approaches is to discuss various international crises in the light of contrasting theories and to analyze each situation from both the legal and political points of view. In particular, he tries to ascertain to what extent vital national interests could be accommodated within an international legal framework, or could require a distortion of international rules in order to achieve national objectives. In the second part, the author dissects the Entebbe raid, where Israeli forces rescued a group of hostages being detained by hijackers at a Ugandan airport. His analysis shows the deficiencies of the international system in dealing with such a complex issue, where several contradictory principles of international law could be applied and were defended by various protagonists. The third part starts with a parallel problem--the Iranian hostages crisis, where a group of U.S. officials found themselves in an unprecedented situation of being captured by a band of students. A critical analysis of the handling of this problem by the Carter Administration is followed by vignettes of other crises faced by the Administration and by its successor, the Reagan Administration. This part is less analytical and more prescriptive. The author is no long satisfied with pointing out what went wrong; instead, he departs from the usual hands-off policy of political scientists and tries to indicate how much better each situation could have been handled if the decision makers had been paying more attention to international law and international organizations. The theme is slowly developed that in the long run national interest is better served not by practicing power politics and relying on the use of threat of force but by strengthening those international institutions that can provide a neutral environment for first slowing down a crisis and then finding an equitable solution acceptable to most of the parties in conflict. The value of this book lies primarily in giving the reader a real insight into several important issues of today that are familiar to most people only from newspaper headlines and television news. While not everybody can agree with all his criticisms of the mistakes of various governments, there is an honest attempt by the author to present issues impartially and to let the blame fall where it may. Being both an international lawyer and a political scientist, the author has had the advantage of combining the methodology of these two social sciences into a rich tapestry with some startling shades and tones.
