Looking at the experiences of other federal societies across the globe this volume interrogates the problem of national integration within the context of ethno-religious and cultural pluralism, and presents exciting prospects for the resolution of the National Question. Compelling and indispensable, this work is the most comprehensive and authoritative treatment of the subject in recent years.
This book explores the nexus between natural resources ownership and the right to development in Africa. The right to sovereignty over natural resources and the right to development are recognised and protected in an extensive framework of international, regional and domestic instruments. They guarantee people's entitlement to fully and freely utilise their natural resources as a means of subsistence and for economic, social and cultural development. Yet, despite the abundance of natural resources in Africa a majority of the people on the continent remain largely impoverished. This book articulates the central argument that to achieve the right to development in Africa requires appropriate governance of the continent’s natural resources to which the people of Africa are guaranteed sovereign ownership. With case study illustrations from Zimbabwe, Ghana, Ethiopia and the Democratic Republic of Congo, chapters explore the normative measures, specific guarantees and community entitlements to natural resources for the realisation of the right to development. The book will be an invaluable guide to scholars and postgraduate students of Natural Resources, Development and African studies as well as policymakers and practitioners in these areas.
This book examines the impact of the federal restructuring of Ethiopia on ethnic conflicts. The adoption of ethnic federalism in Ethiopia was closely related with the problem of creating a state structure that could be used as instrument of managing the complex ethno-linguistic diversity of the country. Ethiopia is a multinational country with about 85 ethno-linguistic groups and since the 1960s, it suffered from ethno-regional conflicts. The book considers multiple governance and state factors that could explain the difficulties Ethiopian federalism faces to realise its objectives. These include lack of political pluralism and the use of ethnicity as the sole instrument of state organisation. Federalism and Ethnic Conflict in Ethiopia will be of interest to students and scholars of federal studies, ethnic conflict and regionalism.
Fidelis Allen situates violent conflict in the Niger Delta in the context of failure by government to effectively implement relevant oil-related environmental policies intended to achieve sustainable development, arguing that oil and environment-related conflicts in the region are reflections of this failure. This failure is premised on the notion that the goal of sustainable development, as clearly outlined in Nigeria’s National Environmental Policy and implied in various other policies, can be pursued through the activities of government, individuals and business organisations that are capable of engendering economic and social progress for communities that depend on the environment for their survival. In fact, available evidence shows that government and oil company activities (or failures to act) actually contribute to the despoliation of the environment in the Niger Delta. Despite existing environmental legislations and guidelines, unsafe waste disposal, flaring of gas and oil spillage remain key features of oil industry operations in the Niger Delta. Not surprisingly, the book highlights a lack of synergy between government and oil company activities, and the attainment of sustainable development as a key goal of the environmental policy of the government. In other words, the activities of the government and oil companies do not sufficiently promote sustainable development. The net consequence is reflected in the frustrations of local justice and environmental movement groups about the political processes which deter (rather than enable) their agitation for improvements in local living conditions and development in the Niger Delta. Over time, those frustrations begin to manifest at different levels, including aggressive and violent behaviours against oil companies and government security agencies for their contributory roles.
Nigeria, Africa’s most populous and biggest democracy, celebrates her fiftieth year as an independent nation in October 2010. As the cliché states, ‘As Nigeria goes, so goes Africa’. This book frames the socio-historical and political trajectory of Nigeria while examining the many dimensions of the critical choices that she has made as an independent nation. How does the social composition of interest and power illuminate the actualities and narratives of the Nigerian crisis? How have the choices made by Nigerian leaders structured, and/or have been structured by, the character of the Nigerian state and state-society relations? In what ways is Nigeria’s mono-product, debt-ridden, dependent economy fed by ‘the politics of plunder’? And what are the implications of these questions for the structural relationships of production, reproduction and consumption? This book confronts these questions by making state-centric approaches to understanding African countries speak to relevant social theories that pluralize and complicate our understanding of the specific challenges of a prototypical postcolonial state. This book was published as a special issue of the Journal of Contemporary African Studies.
Deeper Insight into Nigerias Public Administration is a collection of a wider range of Public Administration topics to which scholars and authors have devoted attention in recent time. Here is a lucidly written and presented book, which selective scholars, researchers and readers would find indispensably useful to procure for personal and institutional librarians.
This book provides the first comprehensive overview of the history of democracy in Africa and explains why the continent's democratic experiments have so often failed, as well as how they could succeed. Nic Cheeseman grapples with some of the most important questions facing Africa and democracy today, including whether international actors should try and promote democracy abroad, how to design political systems that manage ethnic diversity, and why democratic governments often make bad policy decisions. Beginning in the colonial period with the introduction of multi-party elections and ending in 2013 with the collapse of democracy in Mali and South Sudan, the book describes the rise of authoritarian states in the 1970s; the attempts of trade unions and some religious groups to check the abuse of power in the 1980s; the remarkable return of multiparty politics in the 1990s; and finally, the tragic tendency for elections to exacerbate corruption and violence.
The 1990s were marked by democratic reforms throughout Africa, which went in tandem with decentralization reforms. The chapters of the volume all highlight the gradual changes that have taken place since. Long-term structural uncodified factors – be it societal, economic, geographic, demographic – seem to have interacted with the constitutional clauses introduced during the reforms. Some chapters look at how decentralization slowly gave way to recentralization because none of the new subnational entities were politically and economically strong enough to balance off the center; some look at how inherent deficiencies in infrastructure and personnel at the subnational level brought the central government back in; some look at how different subnational units ended up working differently due to differences in demographic and social factors; some look at how uncodified factors came to determine how national politics functioned; some look at how decentralization created new conflicts between ethnic groups competing for the control of the new entities; some look at how decentralization blew new life into traditional authorities. This book was original published as a special issue of Regional and Federal Studies.
