This classic study of the American working class, originally published in 1973, is now back in print with a new introduction and epilogue by the author. An innovative blend of first-person experience and original scholarship, Aronowitz traces the historical development of the American working class from post-Civil War times and shows why radical movements have failed to overcome the forces that tend to divde groups of workers from one another. The rise of labor unions is analyzed, as well as their decline as a force for social change. Aronowitz’s new introduction situates the book in the context of developments in current scholarship and the epilogue discusses the effects of recent economic and political changes in the American labor movement.
American health care is at a crossroads. Health spending reached $3.5 trillion in 2017. Yet more than 27 million people remain uninsured. And it's unclear if all that spending is buying higher-quality care. Patients, doctors, insurers, and the government acknowledge that the healthcare status quo is unsustainable. America's last attempt at health reform -- Obamacare -- didn't work. Nearly a decade after its passage in 2010, Democrats are calling for a government takeover of the nation's healthcare system -- Medicare for All. The idea's supporters assert that health care is a right. They promise generous, universal, high-quality care to all Americans, with no referrals, copays, deductibles, or coinsurance. With a sales pitch like that, it's no wonder that seven in ten people now support Medicare for All. Doctors, especially young ones, are coming around to the idea of single-payer, too. Democrats, led by the progressive wing of the party, hope to capitalize on this enthusiasm. In 2017, they introduced companion legislation in the House and Senate that would establish Medicare for All. They have already promised to do the same when the next Congress convenes in 2019. More than 70 House Democrats have joined a new Medicare for All Caucus. Senator Bernie Sanders is effectively already on the presidential campaign trail, making his case for single-payer. If Democrats take the White House and Senate in 2020, and hold onto the House, a Medicare for All bill could be among the first pieces of legislation presented to the new president for a signature. In this book, Sally C. Pipes, a Canadian native, will make the case against Medicare for All. She'll explain why health care is not a right -- and how progressives pressing for single-payer are making a litany of promises they can't possibly keep. Evidence from government-run systems in Canada, the United Kingdom, and other developed countries proves that single-payer forces patients to withstand long waits for poor care at high cost. First, she'll unpack the Medicare for All plans under consideration in Congress. She'll explain how radical they truly are. Medicare for All will not save $5 trillion, as some of its proponents claim. It will cost about $32 trillion over 10 years, according to analyses from the Urban Institute and the Mercatus Center. It will outlaw private health insurance. It will raise taxes by trillions of dollars. It will cut pay for doctors to the rates paid by Medicare and thereby exacerbate our nation's shortage of physicians. And it will ration care. Then, Sally will detail the horrors of single-payer. She'll start in Canada, whose single-payer system most closely resembles the one progressives have in mind for the United States. Analyses of the government-run systems in the United Kingdom and a few other developed countries will follow, with particular focus on the problems that these systems pose for patients and doctors. To substantiate her indictment of single-payer, Sally will marshal both quantitative and qualitative evidence. She'll highlight how Americans fare better than their peers in Canada and the United Kingdom on the health outcomes that are directly linked to the quality of a healthcare system, including survival rates for patients with cancer and cardiovascular issues. She'll also explain why the health outcomes where the United States performs poorly relative to other nations, like infant mortality and life expectancy, tell us little about our healthcare system. Sally will pepper her text with heart-wrenching stories of the human costs of single-payer -- of people who were injured, were forced to remain in pain, or even died because their government-run healthcare system delayed or denied care. Too often, evangelists for free markets limit their arguments to facts and statistics -- and fail to appeal to the public's emotions. Sally will feature the stories of individuals and families who have been victims of single-payer systems. These vignettes will help drive home the truth about single-payer -- and why it must not come to the United States. She'll conclude with her vision for delivering the affordable, accessible, quality care the American people are looking for.
Communist and capitalist states alike were scarred by the economic shocks of the 1970s. Why did only communist governments fall in their wake? Fritz Bartel argues that Western democracies were insulated by neoliberalism. While austerity was fatal to the legitimacy of communism, democratic politicians could win votes by pushing market discipline.
Green energy promises an alluring future---more jobs in a cleaner environment. We will enjoy a new economy driven by clean electricity, less pollution, and, of course, the gratitude of generations to come. There's just one problem: the lack of credible evidence that any of that can occur. --
From the bestselling, award-winning author of The Year of Magical Thinking: In this "arresting amalgam of memoir and historical timeline” (The Baltimore Sun), Didion—a native Californian—reassesses parts of her life, her work, her history, and ours. Didion applies her scalpel-like intelligence to California's ethic of ruthless self-sufficiency in order to examine that ethic’s often tenuous relationship to reality. Combining history and reportage, memoir and literary criticism, Where I Was From explores California’s romances with land and water; its unacknowledged debts to railroads, aerospace, and big government; the disjunction between its code of individualism and its fetish for prisons. Whether she is writing about her pioneer ancestors or privileged sexual predators, robber barons or writers (not excluding herself), Didion is an unparalleled observer, and this book is at once intellectually provocative and deeply personal.
Does neoliberalizing nature work and what work does it do? This volume provides answers to a series of urgent questions about the effects of neoliberal policies on environmental governance and quality.
This is the first book to challenge the broken-windows theory of crime, which argues that permitting minor misdemeanors, such as loitering and vagrancy, to go unpunished only encourages more serious crime. The theory has revolutionized policing in the United States and abroad, with its emphasis on policies that crack down on disorderly conduct and aggressively enforce misdemeanor laws. The problem, argues Bernard Harcourt, is that although the broken-windows theory has been around for nearly thirty years, it has never been empirically verified. Indeed, existing data suggest that it is false. Conceptually, it rests on unexamined categories of law abiders and disorderly people and of order and disorder, which have no intrinsic reality, independent of the techniques of punishment that we implement in our society. How did the new order-maintenance approach to criminal justice--a theory without solid empirical support, a theory that is conceptually flawed and results in aggressive detentions of tens of thousands of our fellow citizens--come to be one of the leading criminal justice theories embraced by progressive reformers, policymakers, and academics throughout the world? This book explores the reasons why. It also presents a new, more thoughtful vision of criminal justice.
In The False Promises of Constructivist Theories of Learning: A Global and Ecological Critique, C. A. Bowers examines why constructivist-based educational reforms fail to take into account these current critical issues: the deepening ecological crisis, globalization, and undermining of the world's diverse cultural commons. Special attention is given to the ethnocentrism and Social Darwinism that created the foundations for the ideas of Dewey, Piaget, and Freire. Also considered is how the neo-liberal promoters of economic globalization share their taken-for-granted assumptions. Additionally, Bowers explains how teachers in different cultures can contribute to the revitalization of their cultural and environmental commons without engaging in the cultural imperialism that characterizes constructivist approaches to educational reform.
In an age of demagogues, hostile great powers and trade wars, foreign policy traditionalists dream of restoring liberal international order. This order, they claim, ushered in seventy years of peace and prosperity and saw post-war America domesticate the world to its values. The False Promise of Liberal Order exposes the flaws in this nostalgic vision. The world shaped by America came about as a result of coercion and, sometimes brutal, compromise. Liberal projects – to spread capitalist democracy – led inadvertently to illiberal results. To make peace, America made bargains with authoritarian forces. Even in the Pax Americana, the gentlest order yet, ordering was rough work. As its power grew, Washington came to believe that its order was exceptional and even permanent – a mentality that has led to spiralling deficits, permanent war and Trump. Romanticizing the liberal order makes it harder to adjust to today’s global disorder. Only by confronting the false promise of liberal order and adapting to current realities can the United States survive as a constitutional republic in a plural world.
Examines IBM's downfall in the early 1990s, arguing that failed leadership, strategic miscalculation, and disregard for customer and employee relationships were all to blame
