In Biopolitics of the More-Than-Human Joseph Pugliese examines the concept of the biopolitical through a nonanthropocentric lens, arguing that more-than-human entities—from soil and orchards to animals and water—are actors and agents in their own right with legitimate claims to justice. Examining occupied Palestine, Guantánamo, and sites of US drone strikes in Afghanistan, Pakistan, Somalia, and Yemen, Pugliese challenges notions of human exceptionalism by arguing that more-than-human victims of war and colonialism are entangled with and subject to the same violent biopolitical regimes as humans. He also draws on Indigenous epistemologies that invest more-than-human entities with judicial standing to argue for an ethico-legal framework that will enable the realization of ecological justice. Bringing the more-than-human world into the purview of justice, Pugliese makes visible the ecological effects of human war that would otherwise remain outside the domains of biopolitics and law.
This book is a volume of essays on the Biopolitics of Security in the 21st Century, by Professor Mick Dillon. It is at first of its kind in that no other study currently available covers the same field of research with the same degree of innovation. There is clearly growing attention to biopolitics in general, and the biopolitics of security in particular, beyond international relations and into the social sciences more generally (Geography, Sociology, Criminology, Law, and the Management Sciences). This volume will provide a genealogy of the biopolitics of security beginning with Michel Foucault’s original account of the rise of biopolitics at the beginning of the 18th century, and will clarify and further develop Foucault’s original analytic of the biopolitics of security. This work is an original introduction to the emerging field of the biopolitics of security, tracking its development into the 21st century, which will serve as an intellectual provocation to researchers as much as it will a pedagogical guide to graduate and undergraduate teachers. This book will be of great interest to students of critical security studies, IR theory, political theory, philosophy and ancillary social science disciplines, such as criminology and sociology.
Biopolitical Disaster employs a grounded analysis of the production and lived-experience of biopolitical life in order to illustrate how disaster production and response are intimately interconnected. The book is organized into four parts, each revealing how socio-environmental consequences of instrumentalist environmentalities produce disastrous settings and political experiences that are evident in our contemporary world. Beginning with "Commodifying crisis," the volume focuses on the inherent production of disaster that is bound to the crisis tendency of capitalism. The second part, "Governmentalities of disaster," addresses material and discursive questions of governance, the role of the state, as well as questions of democracy. This part explores the linkage between problematic environmental rationalities and policies. Third, the volume considers how and where the (de)valuation of life itself takes shape within the theme of "Affected bodies," and investigates the corporeal impacts of disastrous biopolitics. The final part, "Environmental aesthetics and resistance," fuses concepts from affect theory, feminist studies, post-positivism, and contemporary political theory to identify sites and practices of political resistance to biopower. Biopolitical Disaster will be of great interest to postgraduates, researchers, and academic scholars working in Political ecology; Geopolitics; Feminist critique; Intersectionality; Environmental politics; Science and technology studies; Disaster studies; Political theory; Indigenous studies; Aesthetics; and Resistance.
Despite the presence of the Flaming Lips in a commercial for a copier and Iggy Pop’s music in luxury cruise advertisements, Jeffrey T. Nealon argues that popular music has not exactly been co-opted in the American capitalist present. Contemporary neoliberal capitalism has, in fact, found a central organizing use for the values of twentieth-century popular music: being authentic, being your own person, and being free. In short, not being like everybody else. Through a consideration of the shift in dominant modes of power in the American twentieth and twenty-first centuries, from what Michel Foucault calls a dominant “disciplinary” mode of power to a “biopolitical” mode, Nealon argues that the modes of musical “resistance” need to be completely rethought and that a commitment to musical authenticity or meaning—saying “no” to the mainstream—is no longer primarily where we might look for music to function against the grain. Rather, it is in the technological revolutions that allow biopolitical subjects to deploy music within an everyday set of practices (MP3 listening on smartphones and iPods, streaming and downloading on the internet, the background music that plays nearly everywhere) that one might find a kind of ambient or ubiquitous answer to the “attention capitalism” that has come to organize neoliberalism in the American present. In short, Nealon stages the final confrontation between “keepin’ it real” and “sellin’ out.”
"Examines how low female desire is produced, embedded, and lived within neoliberal capitalism. Rethinks 'femininity' by investigating sex research that measures the disconnect between subjective and genital female arousal, contemporary psychiatric diagnoses for low female desire, and new models for understanding women's sexual response"--
Jairus Victor Grove contends that we live in a world made by war. In Savage Ecology he offers an ecological theory of geopolitics that argues that contemporary global crises are better understood when considered within the larger history of international politics. Infusing international relations with the theoretical interventions of fields ranging from new materialism to political theory, Grove shows how political violence is the principal force behind climate change, mass extinction, slavery, genocide, extractive capitalism, and other catastrophes. Grove analyzes a variety of subjects—from improvised explosive devices and drones to artificial intelligence and brain science—to outline how geopolitics is the violent pursuit of a way of living that comes at the expense of others. Pointing out that much of the damage being done to the earth and its inhabitants stems from colonialism, Grove suggests that the Anthropocene may be better described by the term Eurocene. The key to changing the planet's trajectory, Grove proposes, begins by acknowledging both the earth-shaping force of geopolitical violence and the demands apocalypses make for fashioning new ways of living.
This book offers an original analysis and theorization of the biopolitics of development in the postcolonial present, and draws significantly from the later works of Michel Foucault on biopolitics. Foucault’s works have had a massive influence on postcolonial literatures, particularly in political science and international relations, and several authors of this book have themselves made significant contributions to that influence. While Foucault’s thought has been inspirational for understanding colonial biopolitics as well as governmental rationalities concerned with development, his works have too often failed to inspire studies of political subjectivity. Instead, they have been used to stoke the myth of the inevitability of the decline of collective political subjects, often describing an increasingly limited horizon of political possibilities, and provoking a disenchantment with the political itself in postcolonial works and studies. Working against the grain of current Foucauldian scholarship, this book underlines the importance of Foucault’s work for the capacity to recognize how this degraded view of political subjectivity came about, particularly within the framework of the discourses and politics of ‘development’, and with particular attention to the predicaments of postcolonial peoples. It explores how we can use Foucault’s ideas to recover the vital capacity to think and act politically at a time when fundamentally human capacities to think, know and to act purposively in the world are being pathologized as expressions of the hubris and ‘underdevelopment’ of postcolonial peoples. Why and how it is that life in postcolonial settings has been depoliticized to such dramatic effect? The immediacy of these themes will be obvious to anyone living in the South of the world. But within the academy they remain heavily under-addressed. In thinking about what it means to read Michel Foucault today, this book tackles some significant questions and problems: Not simply that of how to explain the ways in which postcolonial regimes of governance have achieved the debasements of political subjectivity they have; nor that of how we might better equip them with the means to suborn the life of postcolonial peoples more fully; but that of how such peoples, in their subjection to governance, can and do resist, subvert, escape and defy the imposition of modes of governance which seek to remove their lives of those very capacities for resistance, subversion, flight, and defiance.
The liberal way of war and the liberal way of rule are correlated; this book traces that correlation to liberalism's original commitment to 'making life live'. Committed to making life live, liberalism is committed to waging war on behalf of life, specifically to promote the biopolitical life of species being; what the book calls 'the biohuman'. Tracking the advent of the age of life-as-information - complex, adaptive and emergent - while contrasting biopolitics with geopolitics, the book details how and why the liberal way of rule wages war on the human in the cause of instituting the biohuman. Contingent and emergent, the biohuman is however continuously also becoming-dangerous to itself. It therefore requires constant surveillance to anticipate the threats it presents to its own flourishing. The book explains how, in making life live, liberal rule finds its expression, today, in making the biohuman live the emergency of its emergence. Thus does liberal peace become the continuation of war by other means. Just as the information and molecular revolutions have combined to transform liberal military-strategic thinking so also has it contributed to the discourse of global danger through which global liberal governance currently legitimates the liberal way of war.
Rudolf Kjellén, regularly referred to as “the father of geopolitics,” developed in the first decade of the twentieth century an analytical model for calculating the capabilities of great-power states and promoting their interests in the international arena. It was an ambitious intellectual project that sought to bring politics into the sphere of social science. Bringing together experts on Kjellén from across the disciplines, Territory, State and Nation explores the century-long international impact, analytical model, and historical theories of a figure immensely influential in his time who is curiously little-known today.
Foreword: François Ewald and Alessandro Fontana Introduction: Arnold I. Davidson One: 7 January 1976 What is a lecture? -- Subjugated knowledges. -- Historical knowledge of struggles, genealogies, and scientific discourse. -- Power, or what is at stake in genealogies. -- Juridical and economic conceptions of power. -- Power as repression and power as war. -- Clausewitz's aphorism inverted. Two: 14 January 1976 War and power. -- Philosophy and the limits of power. -- Law and royal power. -- Law, domination, and subjugation. -- Analytics of power: questions of method. -- Theory of sovereignty. -- Disciplinary power. -- Rule and norm. Three: 21 January 1976 Theory of sovereignty and operators of domination. -- War as analyzer of power relations. -- The binary structure of society. -- Historico-political discourse, the discourse of perpetual war. -- The dialectic and its codifications. -- The discourse of race struggle and its transcriptions. Four: 28 January 1976 Historical discourse and its supporters. -- The counterhistory of race struggle. -- Roman history and biblical history. -- Revolutionary discourse. -- Birth and transformation of racism. -- Race purity and State racism: the Nazi transformation and the Soviet transformation. Five: 4 February 1976 Answer to a question on anti-Semitism. -- Hobbes on war and sovereignty. -- The discourse on the Conquest in England: royalists, parliamentarians, and Levellers. -- The binary schema and political historicism. -- What Hobbes wanted to eliminate. Six: 11 February 1976 Stories about origins. -- The Trojan myth. -- France's heredity. -- "Franco-Gallia."--Invasion, history, and public right. -- National dualism. -- The knowledge of the prince. -- Boulainvillier's "Etat de la France."--The clerk, the intendant, and the knowledge of the aristocracy. -- A new subject of history. -- History and constitution. Seven: 18 February 1976 Nation and nations. -- The Roman conquest. -- Grandeur and decadence of the Romans. -- Boulainvilliers on the freedom of the Germans. -- The Soissons vase. -- Origins of feudalism. -- Church, right, and the language of State. -- Boulainvilliers: three generalizations about war: law of history and law of nature, the institutions of war, the calculation of forces. -- Remarks on war. Eight: 25 February 1976: Boulainvilliers and the constitution of a historico-political continuum. -- Historicism. -- Tragedy and public right. -- The central administration of history. -- The problematic of the Enlightenment and the genealogy of knowledges. -- The four operations of disciplinary knowledge and their effects. -- Philosophy and science. -- Disciplining knowledges. Nine: 3 March 1976 Tactical generalization of historical knowledge. -- Constitution, Revolution, and cyclical history. -- The savage and the barbarian. -- Three ways of filtering barbarism: tactics of historical discourse. -- Questions of method: the epistemological field and the antihistoricism of the bourgeoisie. -- Reactivation of historical discourse during the Revolution. -- Feudalism and the gothic novel. Ten: 10 March 1976 The political reworking of the idea of the nation during the Revolution: Sieyes. -- Theoretical implications and effects on historical discourse. -- The new history's grids of intelligibility: domination and totalization. -- Montlosier and Augustin Thierry. -- Birth of the dialectic. Eleven: 17 March 1976 From the power of sovereignty to power over life. -- Make live and let die. -- From man as body to man as species: the birth of biopower. -- Biopower's fields of application. -- Population. -- Of death, and of the death of Franco in particular. -- Articulations of discipline and regulation: workers' housing, sexuality, and the norm. -- Biopower and racism. -- Racism: functions and domains. -- Nazism. -- Socialism. Course Summary Situating the Lectures: Alessandro Fontana and Mauro Bertani Index.
