The book (Afghanitan: History, Diplomacy and Journalism) you are studying is a summary of my research and work through the continuous years. My aim was to research about the occupation of Afghanistan by Great Britain, Russia and America in the recent centuries & resistance & defeat of Afghan nation journalism and factional publications in Afghanistan and to make research and analysis by using cultural and journalistic method about the historical occurrences from the rise of press up to the contemporary period (twenty first century) to author and publish it. In reality, this book covers the cultural possession of Afghanistan from the end of 19 century 1878/`1257 up to the 2014, America and NATO forces withdraw from Afghanistan.
The book (Afghanitan: History, Diplomacy and Journalism) you are studying is a summary of my research and work through the continuous years. My aim was to research about the occupation of Afghanistan by Great Britain, Russia and America in the recent centuries & resistance & defeat of Afghan nation journalism and factional publications in Afghanistan and to make research and analysis by using cultural and journalistic method about the historical occurrences from the rise of press up to the contemporary period (twenty first century) to author and publish it. In reality, this book covers the cultural possession of Afghanistan from the end of 19 century 1878/`1257 up to the 2014, America and NATO forces withdraw from Afghanistan.
Journalists are actors in international relations, mediating communications between governments and publics, but also between the administrations of different countries. American and foreign officials simultaneously consume the work of U.S. journalists and use it in their own thinking about how to conduct their work. As such, journalists play an unofficial diplomatic role. However, the U.S. news media largely amplifies American power. Instead of stimulating greater understanding, the U.S. elite, mainstream press can often widen mistrust as they promote an American worldview and, with the exception of some outliers, reduce the world into a tight security frame in which the U.S. is the hegemon. This has been the case in Afghanistan since 2001, particularly as emerging Afghan journalists have relied significantly on U.S. and other Western news outlets to report events within their government and their country. Based on eight years of interviews in Kabul, Washington, and New York, Your Country, Our War demonstrates how news has intersected with international politics during the War in Afghanistan and shows the global power and reach of the U.S. news media, especially within the context of the post-9/11 era. It reviews the trajectory of the U.S. news narrative about Afghanistan and America's never-ending war, and the rise of Afghan journalism, from 2001 to 2017. The book also examines the impact of the American news media inside a war theater. It examines how U.S. journalists affected the U.S.-Afghan relationship and chronicles their contribution to the rapid development of a community of Afghan journalists who grappled daily with how to define themselves and their country during a tumultuous and uneven transition from fundamentalist to democratic rule. Providing rich detail about the U.S.-Afghan relationship, especially former President of Afghanistan Hamid Karzai's convictions about the role of the Western press, we begin to understand how journalists are not merely observers to a story; they are participants in it.
Afghanistan emerged as a nation-state after Amir 'Abd al-Rahman Khan consolidated the central authority in its most formative period of its history in the late nineteenth century. All this at a time when the two expanding Russian and British empires were approaching Afghanistan in what is known as the Great Game for mastery over the Central Asian states.
Historians have long neglected Afghanistan's broader history when portraying the opium industry. But in Poppies, Politics, and Power, James Tharin Bradford rebalances the discourse, showing that it is not the past forty years of lawlessness that makes the opium industry what it is, but the sheer breadth of the twentieth-century Afghanistan experience. Rather than byproducts of a failed contemporary system, argues Bradford, drugs, especially opium, were critical components in the formation and failure of the Afghan state. In this history of drugs and drug control in Afghanistan, Bradford shows us how the country moved from licit supply of the global opium trade to one of the major suppliers of hashish and opium through changes in drug control policy shaped largely by the outside force of the United States. Poppies, Politics, and Power breaks the conventional modes of national histories that fail to fully encapsulate the global nature of the drug trade. By providing a global history of opium within the borders of Afghanistan, Bradford demonstrates that the country's drug trade and the government's position on that trade were shaped by the global illegal market and international efforts to suppress it. By weaving together this global history of the drug trade and drug policy with the formation of the Afghan state and issues within Afghan political culture, Bradford completely recasts the current Afghan, and global, drug trade.
Former U.S. ambassador Jonathan Addleton provides a pioneering firsthand look at the remarkable growth of civil society and diplomatic ties between two countries separated by vast distances yet sharing a growing list of strategic interests and values. While maintaining positive ties with Russia and China, its powerful neighbors and still-dominant trading partners, Mongolia has sought "third neighbors" to help provide balance, including Canada, Japan, Korea, European nations, and the United States. For its part, the United States has supported Mongolia as an emerging democracy while fostering development and commercial relations. People-to-people ties have significantly expanded in recent years, as has a security partnership that supports Mongolias emergence as a provider of military peacekeepers under the U.N. flag in Sierra Leone, Chad, Kosovo, Darfur, South Sudan, and elsewhere.While focusing on diplomatic relations over the last quarter century, Addleton also briefly describes American encounters with Mongolia over the past 150 years. More recently, Mongolia has emerged as a magnet for foreign investment, making it one of the worlds fastest growing economies.
This book offers a descriptive analysis of the Soviet/Russian wars in Afghanistan, Chechnya, and Georgia, as well as an in-depth exploration of the ways in which these wars are framed in the collective consciousness created by global popular culture. Russian and Western modalities of remembrance have been, and remain, engaged in a world war that takes place (not exclusively, but intensively) on the level of popular culture. The action/reaction dynamic, confrontational narratives and othering between the two “camps” never ceased. The Cold War, in many ways and contrary to the views of many others who hoped for the end of history, never really ended.
How does climate change intensify social cleavages in new configurations of knowledge and power? How does development respond to its own contradictions in such scenarios? How do extreme weather events inform population movement and challenge existing definitions of borders and citizenship? Who pays the heaviest price? Living with the Weather addresses these pressing questions by highlighting and exploring the social, economic, political, and spatial dimensions of climate disaster in South Asia. Through empirical research, reporting and documentation of the climate crisis in the countries of South Asia, along with a deep dive into the Indian Sundarbans, the book calls attention to the intermeshed predicaments the people of the subcontinent face while bearing the brunt of climate change In doing so, it seeks to enrich our understanding of how climate change transforms everyday life. It makes visible the effects of natural events, the outcomes of political decisions, how disaster and rehabilitation are interpreted by states, how resistances are staged in the form of mobility, and how dispossession and despair are embodied and articulated.
Heela Najibullah analyzes the Afghan reconciliation processes through the lenses of transrational peace philosophy and Elicitive Conflict Transformation. The research highlights two Afghan governments reconciliation processes in 1986 and 2010 and underlines the political events that shaped the 1986 National Reconciliation Policy, drawing lessons for future processes. The author points out the historical and geopolitical patterns indicating regional and global stakeholders involvement in Afghan politics. Social healing through a middle-out approach is the missing and yet crucial component to achieve sustainable reconciliation in Afghanistan
American and Afghan veterans contribute to this anthology of critical perspectives—“a vital contribution toward understanding the Afghanistan War” (Library Journal). When America went to war with Afghanistan in the wake of 9/11, it did so with the lofty goals of dismantling al Qaeda, removing the Taliban from power, remaking the country into a democracy. But as the mission came unmoored from reality, the United States wasted billions of dollars, and thousands of lives were lost. Our Latest Longest War is a chronicle of how, why, and in what ways the war in Afghanistan failed. Edited by prize-winning historian and Marine lieutenant colonel Aaron B. O’Connell, the essays collected here represent nine different perspectives on the war—all from veterans of the conflict, both American and Afghan. Together, they paint a picture of a war in which problems of culture, including an unbridgeable rural-urban divide, derailed nearly every field of endeavor. The authors also draw troubling parallels to the Vietnam War, arguing that ideological currents in American life explain why the US government has repeatedly used military force in pursuit of democratic nation-building. In Afghanistan, as in Vietnam, this created a dramatic mismatch of means and ends that neither money, technology, nor weapons could overcome.
