In this first critical and cultural biography of blacklisted filmmaker Abraham Polonsky, the authors present an accomplished consideration of a survivor of America's cultural cold war and a superb study of the Hollywood left. 18 photos.
When he was summoned before the House Committee on Un-American Activities in 1951, Abraham Lincoln Polonsky (1911-1999) was labeled "a very dangerous citizen" by Harold Velde, a congressman from Illinois. Lawyer, educator, novelist, labor organizer, radio and television scriptwriter, film director and screenwriter, wartime intelligence operative, and full-time radical romantic, Polonsky was blacklisted in Hollywood for refusing to be an informer. The New York Times called his blacklisting the single greatest loss to American film during the McCarthy era, and his expressed admirers include Steven Spielberg, Martin Scorsese, Sidney Lumet, Warren Beatty, and Harry Belafonte. In this first critical and cultural biography of Abraham Polonsky, Paul Buhle and Dave Wagner present both an accomplished consideration of a remarkable survivor of America's cultural cold war and a superb study of the Hollywood left. The Bronx-born son of immigrant parents, Polonsky—in the few years after the end of World War II and just before the blacklist—had one of the most distinguished careers in Hollywood. He wrote two films that established John Garfield's postwar persona, Body and Soul (1947), still the standard for boxing films and the model for such movies as Raging Bull and Pulp Fiction; and Force of Evil (1948), the great noir drama that he also directed. Once blacklisted, Polonsky quit working under his own name, yet he proved to be one of television's most talented writers. Later in life he became the most acerbic critic of the Hollywood blacklist's legacy while writing and directing films such as Tell Them Willie Boy Is Here (1970). A Very Dangerous Citizen goes beyond biography to help us understand the relationship between art and politics in American culture and to uncover the effects of U.S. anticommunism and anti-Semitism. Rich in anecdote and in analysis, it provides an informative and entertaining portrait of one of the most intriguing personalities of twentieth-century American culture.
Black Yellow Dogs was written specifically to address the failure of the African American community to vote according to principle. Their leadership tends to commit them to the Democratic Party. They vote without regard to Candidates or issues. This book is designed to encourage them to vote "principle" not "party." The book is also written to help bridge the gap between conservatives and Blacks, who are natural allies, and to dispel some of the myths that each group holds about the other.
From Academy Award-winning film director Neil Jordan comes an artful reimagining of an extraordinary friendship spanning the revolutionary tumult of the eighteenth century. South Carolina, 1781: the American Revolution. An enslaved man escaping to his freedom saves the life of Lord Edward Fitzgerald, a British army officer and the younger son of one of Ireland's grandest families. The tale that unfolds is narrated by Tony Small, the formerly enslaved man who becomes Fitzgerald's companion—and best friend. While details of Lord Edward's life are well documented, little is known of Tony Small, who is at the heart of this moving novel. In this gripping narrative, his character considers the ironies of empire, captivity, and freedom, mapping Lord Edward's journey from being a loyal subject of the British Empire to becoming a leader of the disastrous Irish rebellion of 1798. This powerful new work of fiction brings Neil Jordan's inimitable storytelling ability to the revolutions that shaped the eighteenth century—in America, France, and, finally, in Ireland.
The history of recruiting citizens to spy on each other in the United States. Ever since the revelations of whistleblower Edward Snowden, we think about surveillance as the data-tracking digital technologies used by the likes of Google, the National Security Administration, and the military. But in reality, the state and allied institutions have a much longer history of using everyday citizens to spy and inform on their peers. Citizen Spies shows how “If You See Something, Say Something” is more than just a new homeland security program; it has been an essential civic responsibility throughout the history of the United States. From the town crier of Colonial America to the recruitment of youth through “junior police,” to the rise of Neighborhood Watch, AMBER Alerts, and Emergency 9-1-1, Joshua Reeves explores how ordinary citizens have been taught to carry out surveillance on their peers. Emphasizing the role humans play as “seeing” and “saying” subjects, he demonstrates how American society has continuously fostered cultures of vigilance, suspicion, meddling, snooping, and snitching. Tracing the evolution of police crowd-sourcing from “Hue and Cry” posters and America’s Most Wanted to police-affiliated social media, as well as the U.S.’s recurrent anxieties about political dissidents and ethnic minorities from the Red Scare to the War on Terror, Reeves teases outhow vigilance toward neighbors has long been aligned with American ideals of patriotic and moral duty. Taking the long view of the history of the citizen spy, this book offers a much-needed perspective for those interested in how we arrived at our current moment in surveillance culture and contextualizes contemporary trends in policing.
This book comprehensively analyzes the global illusion of citizen protection so common today. This text helps students understand a central puzzle in human security, which has two distinct components: (1) although it might be reasonable to assume that political leaders’ threat responses would almost always have a decent chance of safeguarding the mass public, sometimes they do not, exhibiting rhetoric-reality gaps and purely symbolic gestures; and (2) although the wealth of security information available to the mass public would seem to provide them with the opportunity to gain almost always an accurate picture of existing dangers and state threat responses, sometimes citizens’ evaluation of their own safety is grossly distorted, exhibiting an overly extreme sense of helplessness about ongoing threat and an overly extreme sense of skepticism about state protection. At first glance, it is difficult to comprehend fully why states would often select ineffective means of protecting their citizens (assuming the availability of other options) when it appears that there are incentives for them to choose effective ones, particularly within societies with responsive forms of government; and why citizens would often mischaracterize their own security predicament when they have a direct “on-the-ground” view of their plight and seem to have incentives to view their own safety accurately. In exploring these puzzles through detailed international case study analysis, this text investigation consciously deviates from some prevailing orthodox assumptions. It call into question the desirability of the political centrality of state authority and of the prevailing economic and cultural norms in today’s world, opening up serious questions about when and how existing structures and values contribute to increasing rather than decreasing human insecurity for the average world citizen.