This volume examines contemporary political relations between Turkey and the Middle East. In the light of the Arab Uprisings of 2011, the Syria Crisis, the escalation of regional terrorism and the military coup attempt in Turkey, it illustrates the dramatic fluctuations in Turkish foreign policy towards key Middle Eastern countries, such as Iran, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Syria and Iraq. The contributors analyze Turkey’s deepening involvement in Middle Eastern regional affairs, also addressing issues such as terrorism, social and political movements and minority rights struggles. While these problems have traditionally been regarded as domestic matters, this book highlights their increasingly regional dimension and the implications for the foreign affairs of Turkey and countries in the Middle East.
In the first work documenting Anglo-Turkish relations in the Middle East in the early Cold War period, Mustafa Bilgin identifies two very distinct stages in the relationship between Britain and Turkey. Before 1952 Turkey relied heavily on Britain to protect it from the 'Soviet menace'. In return for Britain's support, Turkey acted as an honest broker in Britain's increasingly difficult relations with key Middle Eastern states such as Egypt, Iran and Iraq. However Turkey's realisation that it could not rely on Britain, encouraged by Britain's blocking of Turkish membership of NATO in 1952, led to a new alliance between Turkey and the US. This is the first book to understand the development of the Cold War in the Middle East by exploring the Turkish case. 'Britain and Turkey in the Middle East' is crucial to grasping the nature of Western strategy in general and British and Turkish strategy in particular during the crucial early years of the Cold War.
Preface -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Background -- 3. Historical and Geostrategic Context -- 4. Turkey, the Kurds, and Relations with Iraq -- 5. Turkey and Iran -- 6. Turkey, Syria, and the Water Crisis -- 7. Turkey and the Middle East Peace Process -- 8. Conclusion: Turkey's Future Role in the Middle East -- Conference Participants -- About the Author -- About the Institute.
Although it seems entirely appropriate for Turkey to want to broaden and deepen its relations with its neighbors and other countries in the Middle East, the shift in policy has been so dramatic that it led both Western and some Turkish observers to question whether Turkey was shifting away from its traditional Western foreign policy posture. The fact that the ruling party’s lineage can be traced back to the founding of Turkey’s Islamist movement in the late 1960s under the leadership of Necmettin Erbakan only accentuated concerns about Ankara’s efforts to forge a new path in the Middle East. After all, Turkey had long been a tepid and cautious observer of Middle Eastern politics, devoting most of its diplomatic energy on the institutionalization of relations with Europe and the United States. This Western orientation, especially Ankara’s NATO membership, was prior to the rise of the AKP a source of mistrust with which the Arab world tended to view Turkey. More profoundly, the combination of the Ottoman colonial legacy in the Middle East and Kemalism’s official policy of laiklik (secularism), which seemed to many in the Middle East as irreligious, sowed an unarticulated but unmistakable divide between Turkey and the Arab world. Turkey’s new-found role in the Middle East will neither be as triumphant as some in Ankara suggest nor as malevolent as AKP’s Western opponents imply. There should be no doubt that Turkey is in the Middle East to stay. Still, Ankara’s hoped for role as a regional power broker may be in jeopardy as a result of the Arab Spring. This is not the consequence of early missteps on Libya and Syria, but because if Arab countries, especially Egypt, prove to be successful, Arabs will once again look within for leadership. As important as Ankara has been over the last decade, if Egypt regains its regional luster, Cairo will once again be the central locus of knowledge, cultural production and Middle Eastern political as well as diplomatic power. This is not to say that Turkey would return to a secondary role under such circumstances and its most enduring role in the Middle East is its ability to be the economic engine of the region. Indeed, the best way for Turkey to influence the trajectory of the Arab world undergoing unprecedented change is through its entrepreneurial spirit and willingness to invest in places where others may not. This may not be the grand vision that Erdoğan, Davutoğlu or other AKP leaders had in mind for Turkey in the region, but Turkey’s economic prowess may be the most important factor in ultimately achieving its goal of “zero problems” in the country’s immediate neighborhood.
Turkey and Israel are two of the most important countries in the Middle East, but also are outsiders to the region for political and cultural reasons. Here Bengio examines the historic, geo-strategic and political-cultural roots of the Turkish-Israeli relationship, from the 1950s until today. Linking the relationship's evolution to the complexities of Turkey's historical ties with the Arab world, and changing domestic, regional and global conditions, the book traces the ebb and flow of the curious ties between the two countries. Bengio calls for a significant revision in the received wisdom about inter-Arab and Arab-Israeli conflicts and rivalries, placing Turkey in a more central role. The book approaches Middle Eastern affairs from inside the region, based on Turkish, Israeli and Arab sources, providing a much needed corrective to American - and British - centered accounts.
At the turn of the century, modern Turkey remains torn between the secular heritage of its founder, Kemal Ataturk, and the political and social trends that challenge that legacy. Alon Liel traces the development of Turkey's current political environment, investigating the collapse of the country's economy in the 1970s, its recovery in the 1980s, its relationship with its Middle Eastern neighbors, and the dramatic political events of the 1990s.
Turkey is a rising regional and global power facing, as is the United States, the challenges of political transitions in the Middle East, bloodshed in Syria, and Iran's pursuit of nuclear weapons. As a result, it is incumbent upon the leaders of the United States and Turkey to define a new partnership "in order to make a strategic relationship a reality," says a new Council on Foreign Relations (CFR)-sponsored Independent Task Force.
Scientific Study from the year 2020 in the subject Politics - International Politics - Region: Near East, Near Orient, grade: 1.3, University of Kassel (Faculty of Social Sciences), language: English, abstract: This book bases on the research related to Turkey’s relations with the Middle East in the post-1980s. Recent analyses clarify that the change in economic policy and the emergence of a new wealthy class of Anatolia motivated Turkish governments to follow a multidimensional foreign policy after the 1980s. The transformation of identity, cultural and historical connections effected to increase the relations with the countries in the Middle East. The research findings indicate that the end of the Cold War caused instability in the Middle East, where Turkey had historical, cultural, religious and territorial connections. The identity dimension in Turgut Özal’s foreign policy caused to remember the Ottoman past in the region. Neo-Ottomanism, which proposed that Turkey as the main power in the former Ottoman territories emerged as a both identity and strategy. After 2003, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) has followed a more conceptualized foreign policy based on the neo-Ottomanist strategy. By researching the political dynamics, it becomes evident that since the Gulf War in 1991, Turkey has increasingly connected to the ethnic groups within Iraq and became one of the major players in Iraqi politics. Also, increased criticism of the Turkish government, coupled with the strong support of Turkish people, against to Israeli politics has been the important factor to attract both the people and the politicians in the Middle East. Overall, the research reflects that the strong public support and an appropriate foreign policy, based on the neo-Ottomanist strategy, have been the main factors to increase the Turkey’s political sphere of influence in the Middle East.
This book explores the complexity of the Syrian question and its effects on the foreign policies of Russia, Iran, and Turkey. The Syrian crisis has had a major effect on the regional order in the Middle East. Syria has become a territory where the rivalry between Russia and Western powers is being played out, and with the West’s gradual withdrawal, the conflict will without a doubt have lasting effects locally and on the international order. This collection focuses on the effects of the Syrian crisis on the new governance of the Middle East region by three political regimes: Russia, Iran, and Turkey. Many articles and a number of books have been written on this conflict, which has lasted over ten years, but no publication has examined simultaneously and comparatively how these three states are participating in the shared management of the Syrian conflict.
The American-led invasion of Iraq in March 2003 has affected Turkey's foreign policy in unpredictable ways. On the one hand stood Turkey's vital alliance with the US, stretching back to the early days of the cold war; on the other, the strong opposition of the Turkish people to the invasion of Iraq. One of Iraq's most important neighbours and America's only formal ally in the region, Turkey gave vital support to the US during the first Gulf war. In the second Gulf war, America sought to project itself as the champion of democracy in the Middle East. Turkey, as the only Muslim country in the region with an acceptably democratic form of government, refused to support the US strategy. The challenge faced by the Turkish government has been to sustain good relations with the superpower, while remaining answerable to its own people. To explain Turkey's changing foreign policy, William Hale examines the relationship between Turkey, the US and Iraq since the 1920s, when the Iraqi state was first established. He also analyses Turkey's policies towards Iraqi Kurds and its 'Europeanisation' as the country aligns itself with the EU. Among the first books to assess the ups and downs in relations between Turkey and the U.S. ... Provides the reader a broader perspective from which to understand those relations, especially in the context of Iraq.' Kiliç Bugra Kanat 'This is an excellent and timely book.' B. A. Yesilada, Portland State University
