Sigmund also documents the Reagan-era policy change from support for Pinochet to pressure for the return of democracy. He concludes that U.S.-Chilean relations have contributed significantly to an overall shift in U.S. foreign policy toward supporting democracy as an end in itself, rather than as a means to an end. Although U.S. policy will continue to be characterized by the interplay between self-interest and idealism, Sigmund contends, future administrations will find it impossible to ignore humanitarian concerns.
Since the end of the Pinochet regime, Chilean public policy has sought to rebuild democratic governance in the country. This book examines the links between the state and civil society in Chile and the ways social policies have sought to ensure the inclusion of the poor in society and democracy. Although Chile has gained political stability and grown economically, the ability of social policies to expand democratic governance and participation has proved limited, and in fact such policies have become subordinate to an elitist model of democracy and resulted in a restrictive form of citizen participation.
The United States and Chile is the ideal introduction to U.S.- Chilean relations. From our strained Cold War relations and the Allende assassination to current democratic and economic development, senior scholars Mares and Aravena deftly trace the path of the relationship from early partners, through tense Cold War stand-offs, to the slowly warming relations of the present. The authors include information on General Augusto Pinochet's human rights violations, his current prosecution for them, and the United State's complicity in bringing him to power. Chile is only just now recovering from decades of political instability and government abuses, and this volume provides a thorough look back, and an informed vision of the future.
This book argues that - in terms of institutional design, the allocation of power and privilege, and the lived experiences of citizens - democracy often does not restart the political game after displacing authoritarianism. Democratic institutions are frequently designed by the outgoing authoritarian regime to shield incumbent elites from the rule of law and give them an unfair advantage over politics and the economy after democratization. Authoritarianism and the Elite Origins of Democracy systematically documents and analyzes the constitutional tools that outgoing authoritarian elites use to accomplish these ends, such as electoral system design, legislative appointments, federalism, legal immunities, constitutional tribunal design, and supermajority thresholds for change. The study provides wide-ranging evidence for these claims using data that spans the globe and dates from 1800 to the present. Albertus and Menaldo also conduct detailed case studies of Chile and Sweden. In doing so, they explain why some democracies successfully overhaul their elite-biased constitutions for more egalitarian social contracts.
Contents: (1) February 27, 2010, Earthquake: Current Conditions; Chilean Government Response; (2) Political and Economic Background: Independence through Allende; Pinochet Era; Return to Democracy; (3) Recent Political and Economic Developments: Bachelet Administration: Education Demonstrations; Mapuche Activism; Loss of Legislative Control; Global Financial Crisis; 2009 Presidential and Legislative Elections: Results; Prospects for the Piñera Administration; Human Rights; Energy Challenges; (4) Chile-U.S. Relations: U.S. Assistance: Free Trade Agreement; Regional Leadership; Narcotics and Human Trafficking. Charts and tables.
As many formerly authoritarian regimes have been replaced by democratic governments in Latin America, Eastern Europe, and elsewhere, questions have arisen about the stability and durability of these new governments. One concern has to do with the institutional arrangements for governing bequeathed to the new democratic regimes by their authoritarian predecessors and with the related issue of whether presidential or parliamentary systems work better for the consolidation of democracy. In this book, Peter Siavelis takes a close look at the important case of Chile, which had a long tradition of successful legislative resolution of conflict but was left by the Pinochet regime with a changed institutional framework that greatly strengthened the presidency at the expense of the legislature. Weakening of the legislature combined with an exclusionary electoral system, Siavelis argues, undermines the ability of Chile's National Congress to play its former role as an arena of accommodation, creating serious obstacles to interbranch cooperation and, ultimately, democratic governability. Unlike other studies that contrast presidential and parliamentary systems in the large, Siavelis examines a variety of factors, including socioeconomic conditions and characteristics of political parties, that affect whether or not one of these systems will operate more or less successfully at any given time. He also offers proposals for institutional reform that could mitigate the harm he expects the current political structure to produce.
Seminar paper from the year 2021 in the subject History - America, grade: 8,5, VU University Amsterdam, language: English, abstract: On the 11th of September 1973, Salvador Allende, the democratically elected president of Chile, was deposed by a military coup that brought the dictator Augusto Pinochet to power. Allende died shortly after in what has been presumed to be suicide.2 The involvement of the American government and Kissinger in particular in these events has been a topic of heated debate. To what degree did American conceptions of democracy contribute? And how was its own democratic image hurt by it? This paper explores the way American conceptions of democracy influenced its actions in the Chilean coup of 1973. In order to do this, it first discusses the debate surrounding its actions in Chile itself. Did the US intervene to protect democracy? Or was there a - to them - more important reason that took precedence over it? Then, it turns to a discussion of the US government's actions after the fact to bring more nuance to the topic and ask whether its ideal of democracy had anything to do with it.
After seventeen years as dictator of Chile, in 1990 Augusto Pinochet ceremoniously handed the presidential sash to the leader of his legal opposition to formalize the peaceful transition to civilian rule in that country. Among the many idiosyncrasies of this extraordinary transfer of political power, the most memorable is the month-long, nationally televised campaign of uncensored political advertising known as the Franja de Propaganda Electoral—the “Official Space for Electoral Propaganda.” Produced by Pinochet’s supporters and the legal opposition, the 1988 Franja campaign set out to encourage voters to participate in a plebiscite that would define the democratic future of Chile. Harry L. Simón Salazar presents a valuable historical account, new empirical research, and a unique theoretical analysis of the televised Franja campaign to examine how it helped the Chilean people reconcile the irreconcilable and stabilize a contradictory relationship between what was politically implausible and what was represented as true and viable in a space of mediated political culture. This contribution to the field of political communication research will be useful for scholars, students, and a general public interested in Latin American history and democracy, as well as researchers of media, communication theory, and cultural studies. Television, Democracy, and the Mediatization of Chilean Politics also helps inform a more critical understanding of contemporary hyper-mediated political movements such as the Arab Spring, Occupy Wall Street, Black Lives Matter, and the particularly germane phenomenon of Trumpism.
