DIVDIVDIVCan a knight sacrifice everything he holds sacred in service to his king? King Richard is being held for ransom in Germany, and England is in chaos without a sovereign. The de Granvilles must deliver the treasure that will win their King's freedom. DIV But the Old Man of the Mountain, leader of the Assassins, is ready to take his revenge on Kamil. To do so he will orchestrate a great betrayal, and his tentacles of treachery reach far and deep. Kamil is determined to prevail-the Old Man must not win. But when all trust has been shattered, who can he turn to for help? DIV The fate of a king, the bonds of a friendship, and the depth of an enduring love will all be in jeopardy as Will, Ellie, Kamil, and Hosanna face the ultimate loyalty test, and their final battle.
General Gordons death in Khartoum on 26 January 1885 and the fall of the besieged city to the forces of the Mahdi was a crucial episode in British imperial history. It was deeply controversial at the time, and it still is today. Gordon has routinely been depicted as the hero of the story, in contrast to Prime Minister Gladstone who is often portrayed as the villain of the piece, responsible for a policy of drift in Sudan.Fergus Nicolls radical reappraisal, which is based on eyewitness accounts and previously unpublished archive material, refutes the conventional image of both men. Presenting an inside view of Gladstones thinking and decision-making, Nicoll gives the prime minister credit for his steadfast insistence that Britain should have minimal engagement in and zero responsibility for Sudan. Gordon, who succumbed to a lasting mania that skewed his decision-making and undermined his military capacity, is cast in a more sceptical light. This fascinating insight into British policy in Africa exposes the inner workings of government, the influence of the press and public opinion and the power of a book to change a government.Each stage in the rapid sequence of events is reconsidered Gladstones steely determination to avoid involvement, Gordons partial evacuation of Khartoum, the siege, the despatch of the relief expedition that arrived too late, the abandonment of Sudan, and the subsequent political battle over responsibility. The personal cost to both men was great: Gordon lost his life and Gladstone saw his reputation gravely tarnished.
The leading Wellington historian’s fascinating reassessment of the Iron Duke’s most famous victory and his role in the turbulent politics after Waterloo. For Arthur Wellesley, First Duke of Wellington, his momentous victory over Napoleon was the culminating point of a brilliant military career. Yet Wellington’s achievements were far from over: he commanded the allied army of occupation in France to the end of 1818, returned home to a seat in Lord Liverpool’s cabinet, and became prime minister in 1828. He later served as a senior minister in Peel’s government and remained commander-in-chief of the army for a decade until his death in 1852. In this richly detailed work, the second and concluding volume of Rory Muir’s definitive biography, the author offers a substantial reassessment of Wellington’s significance as a politician and a nuanced view of the private man behind the legend of the selfless hero. Muir presents new insights into Wellington’s determination to keep peace at home and abroad, achieved by maintaining good relations with the Continental powers and resisting radical agitation while granting political equality to the Catholics in Ireland rather than risk civil war. And countering one-dimensional pictures of Wellington as a national hero, Muir paints a portrait of a well-rounded man whose austere demeanor on the public stage belied his entertaining, gossipy, generous, and unpretentious private self. “[An] authoritative and enjoyable conclusion to a two-part biography.” —Lawrence James, Times (London) “Muir conveys the military, political, social and personal sides of Wellington’s career with equal brilliance. This will be the leading work on the subject for decades.” —Andrew Roberts, author of Napoleon and Wellington: The Long Duel
This gripping and important book brings alive over two hundred years of humanitarian interventions. Freedom’s Battle illuminates the passionate debates between conscience and imperialism ignited by the first human rights activists in the 19th century, and shows how a newly emergent free press galvanized British, American, and French citizens to action by exposing them to distant atrocities. Wildly romantic and full of bizarre enthusiasms, these activists were pioneers of a new political consciousness. And their legacy has much to teach us about today’s human rights crises.
Fifty-seven castles founded in Glamorgan by 1217 are here described. These include mottes. castle-ringworks, and presumed Welsh earthworks, all without masonry, as well as sixteen masonry castles ranging from well known sites at Cardiff, Coity, and Ogmore, to the Welsh stone castle now identified at Plas Baglan. Later defensive monuments will be described in part lb. Glamorgan castles occur in unrivalled density, their study enriched by an exceptional range of works on local history and records. County borders embrace the lordships ot'Gower and Glamorgan. Most castles lie in the fertile lowlands where Norman rule was imposed. Welsh independence endured in the uplands until the mid-13th-century conquests of the Clare lords. When they inherited Glamorgan in 1217 Norman rule had survived unbroken in the lowlands from the late-11th century, if not in Gower. Profusely illustrated descriptions incorporate comprehensive historical accounts. The Introductory Survey and Sectional Preambles discuss the evidence, illustrated by maps and diagrams. Significant conclusions emerge: William the Conqueror founded Cardiff in 1081; Glacial drift provides a determinant for the segregation of mottes and castle-ringworks; Roman roads, forts, and river crossings influenced Norman settlement; Early Masonry Castles, rare in Wales, were numerous in Glamorgan. Castle of the lords of Glamorgan are of particular interest, especially Newcastle, which might be attributed to Henry II. These lords included King John (1189-1216) and leading magnates of the realm: Rufus's favourite, Robert Fitzhamon (1093-1107); Robert, earl of Gloucester, base son of Henry I (fa. 1J13-47); and later, the great Clare earls (1217-1314) and Edward II's favourite, Hugh Despenser (1317-26). Content Map of sites treated in this Part (la) of Volume IIII Chairman's Preface Report, with a List of Monuments selected by the Commissioners as most worthy of preservation List of Commissioners and Staff Authorship and Compilation Presentation of Material Introductory Survey I The Division of the material; Parts la and lb Explained II The Geographical Background III The Historical Background (1072-1217) IV The Early Castles Discussed Inventory of the Early Castles Section MO: Mottes without Masonry Section CR: Castle-Ringworks without Masonry Section UW: Unclassified, probably Welsh Castles Section VE: Vanished Early Castles Section MM: Masonry Castles Built Over Mottes Section MR: Masonry Castles built over Castle-ringworks Section EM: Early Masonry Castles Abbreviated Titles of References Map and List of Ecclesiastical Parishes, with incidence of Monuments Map and List of Civil Parishes, with incidence of Monuments Index of National Grid References for sites treated in Part la Glossary: General Glossary: Welsh Terms and Place-name Elements List of Figures, including maps and photographs General Index Alphabetical List of sites treated in Part 1 b of Volume III Map of sites treated in Part lb of Volume III
The Younger Pitt was a phenomenon: dead at 46, he was not only Britain's youngest but also the second longest-serving Prime Minister to date, acting as premier for 19 of his 25 years in Parliament. In examining this astonishing career, this incisive Profile focuses on the means by which Pitt gained and maintained his hold on power. It provides new information on Pitt's relations with the strong-willed George III; on the nature of his ascendancy over his cabinet colleagues; his management of Parliament; his skill as a manipulator of public opinion; his role in Britain's international resurgence after the loss of America; and, of course, on the long struggle against Revolutionary and Napoleonic France.