In the last two decades, various states from the Global South have emerged as important players in international relations. Most popular among them is China. Brazil, India and South Africa have also taken essential roles in global and regional politics. Compared to traditional great powers, they can be labelled ’regional great powers’ or ’regional powers’ because their influence is - with the exception of China - concentrated on their neighbourhood. The impact of regions, meaning the impact of geography, on the economics and politics of regional powers is surprisingly understudied. This book analyses how geographical conditions influence the regional economics and politics of South Africa, allowing the author to delineate its region of influence.
Intensifying geopolitical rivalries, rising defence spending and the proliferation of the latest military technology across Asia suggest that the region is set for a prolonged period of strategic contestation. None of the three competing visions for the future of Asian order – a US-led ‘Free and Open Indo-Pacific’, a Chinese-centred order, or the ASEAN-inspired ‘Indo-Pacific Outlook’ – is likely to prevail in the short to medium term. In the absence of a new framework, the risk of open conflict is heightened, and along with it the need for effective mechanisms to maintain peace and stability. As Asia’s leaders seek to rebuild their economies and societies in the wake of COVID-19, they would do well to reflect upon the lessons offered by the pandemic and their applicability in the strategic realm. The societies that have navigated the crisis most effectively have been able to do so by putting in place stringent protective measures. Crisis-management and -avoidance mechanisms – and even, in the longer term, wider arms control – can be seen as the strategic equivalent of such measures, and as such they should be pursued with urgency in Asia to reduce the risks of an even greater calamity.
This book presents the theoretical-historical-comparative political framework needed to fully grasp the truly dynamic nature of 21st century global affairs. The author provides a realistic assessment of the shift from U.S predominance to a new mix of counterbalancing rival middle-tier and assertive regional powers, while highlighting those geopolitical zones of contention most critical for future international stability. The book will appeal to scholars and policy makers interested in understanding the contours of the emerging world order, and in identifying its principal shapers and leading political actors.
As the twenty-first century progresses, the Indo-Pacific theater is experiencing an unprecedented transformation involving economic development, military build-ups, political reforms, social changes, and technological advancements. The region now reflects a multitude of geopolitical challenges, factors, and complicated realities. Although America is still recognized as the most powerful force in the Indo-Pacific region, the challenge to America’s hegemonic role is quite real and unrelenting. The ongoing global financial crisis has left a changed world with unanswered questions in its wake. Is America’s post-WWII dominance of the Indo-Pacific region finally coming to an end? Can the United States and China work together to manage the region’s hegemonic responsibilities? In The Geopolitical Power Shift in the Indo-Pacific Region, Randall Doyle provides analysis and insights on the transformational changes and the epochal history unfolding in this part of the world and America’s increasingly precarious political and economic position.
Resource wars, identity conflicts, disinformation, geostrategic rivalries, global power shifts, and an increasing number of non-state actors, make it difficult to analyse contemporary international relations. At the same time, contemporary power rivalries are increasingly affected by currency wars, economic diplomacy, competitive intelligence, economic warfare, indirect strategies, and state capitalism. The events in Ukraine in Spring 2014 reconfirm that Thomas Friedman’s flattening of the world (based on the coincidence of the collapse of the Berlin Wall and the emergence of Netscape and the Web; workflow software; uploading; outsourcing; offshoring; supply-chaining; insourcing; in-forming; and “steroids” like Facebook and Instagram) goes hand in hand with the fact that, as postulated by Robert Kaplan, geography still matters in a global world. Globalization exists because of local processes, and local processes are ultimately shaped by globalization. Geography remains among the primary factors shaping a country’s foreign policy. This book addresses the most fundamental geopolitical issues observable in a region where the “great game” of geopolitics is particularly still alive – in East- and South-East Asia. The contemporary geopolitical situation in this part of the world is far from stable: the width and depth of economic integration in the region resonates with the nature of political relations, crises in the global financial system, climate change, and the regional security architecture inherited from the Cold-War era. In terms of power relations, the particular changes in the region’s status quo imply an immediate intensification of the PRC’s activities within the framework of political and security dialogue with its direct neighbors, ultimately leading to a rivalry between China and the United States. The studies presented in this book largely focus on East- and South-East Asian actors and problems, while studies of the situation in other global regions enrich the research by adding a global dimension to the study of regional geopolitical affairs.
Named by Foreign Affairs as a book to read on geopolitics. In an era of high technology and instant communication, the role of geography in the formation of strategy and politics in international relations can be undervalued. But the mountains of Afghanistan and the scorching sand storms of Iraq have provided stark reminders that geographical realities continue to have a profound impact on the success of military campaigns. Here, political scientist Jakub J. Grygiel brings to light the importance of incorporating geography into grand strategy. He argues that states can increase and maintain their position of power by pursuing a geostrategy that focuses on control of resources and lines of communication. Grygiel examines case studies of Venice, the Ottoman Empire, and China in the global fifteenth century—all great powers that faced a dramatic change in geopolitics when new routes and continents were discovered. The location of resources, the layout of trade networks, and the stability of state boundaries played a large role in the success or failure of these three powers. Grygiel asserts that, though many other aspects of foreign policy have changed throughout history, strategic response to geographical features remains one of the most salient factors in establishing and maintaining power in the international arena.
This book seeks to develop our understanding of the contemporary geopolitical reconfigurations of two regions of the world system with high cultural affinity and traditional close relations: Latin America and Europe. Relations between Latin America and Europe have been interpreted generally in the social sciences as synonyms of interstate relations. However, although States remain the most important actor in the geopolitical scene, they have been deeply reconfigured in recent decades, impacted by transnational dynamics, politics and spaces. This book highlights interregional relations and transnational dynamics between Latin America and Europe from a critical geopolitics perspective, promoting a new look for interregional relations which encompasses international cooperation and development, global policies, borders, inequalities and social movements. It brings attention to the relevance of interregionalism in the current geopolitical reconfiguration of the world system, but also argues for systematic inclusion of relevant new social actors and imaginaries in this traditional sphere of states. These social actors, particularly social movements and practices of contestation, are developing not only "international" bonds but a new "transnational" field, where networks defy traditional territorial orders. This volume seeks to generate a new discussion among scholars of geopolitics, international relations, social theory and social movement studies by encouraging a development of an interregional and transnational perspective of the two regions.
Exploring geopolitics of the Indo-Pacific Region, a major hub of global, economic, commercial, military, diplomatic, and cultural activities in the 21st century, this textbook provides students with an introduction to the existing debates, frameworks, and issues surrounding the Indo-Pacific. The second edition has been revised, updated, and expanded to explain the major build-up of deterrence hubs during 2022–2023 in the Indo-Pacific Region (IPR). The hubs have a clear focus on North Asia (Japan and South Korea), the Taiwan Strait and Taiwan and the South China Sea (the Philippines, Vietnam, and Australia), and India and the Indian Ocean littoral areas (the Persian Gulf and the Bay of Bengal). This edition takes into account the effects of the Ukraine–Russia and Israel–Hamas/Iran proxies’ conflicts on the build-up of Russia–China–North Korea–Iran ties and the naval projections by China and Russia in North Pacific, off the Alaska coast, and in relation to Myanmar and Bangladesh and the Gulf/Red Sea areas. Within the purview of maritime security and NATO, the present century is critical with the introduction of missiles and nuclear submarine technology into IPR and by the fragmentation of arms control and nuclear and missile non-proliferation arrangements of the 1960s–2000 period. This volume predicts that China’s oft-proclaimed rise to global hegemonic status is not inevitable because of its many economic–social problems and foreign policy dilemmas. Nor is World War III inevitable because no one seeks unlimited warfare, but the regions in conflict will likely remain on a low boil. However, problem-solving and crisis resolution will remain problematic, keeping the 21st century at its toes, due to the inability of regional powers to unite for the common good. Complete with a list of further reading, Geopolitics and the Indo-Pacific Region fills a gap in the market and will be of great interest to upper-year-level undergraduates, postgraduate students, and researchers studying international relations, IPR geopolitics, Asian politics, and Asian security studies.
Cohen argues that the emergence of the United States as the world's sole superpower and the process of globalization have failed to remove the importance of geography as a political and strategic factor of great import. After laying out the structural basis for his theory of geopolitical theory, he launches into an examination of how geopolitical realities have developed since World War II, a period that witnessed greater change than the preceding two and a half centuries. He then turns his attention to the meat of the book, separate examinations of the each of the major world regions, including examinations of the important countries and their individual geopolitical realities.
