"Third volume of in-depth analysis of the army. Format is similar to previous two volumes. There is, however, more emphasis on the internal maneuvering which characterizes the period. The detail is based on information provided by the participants. A worthy successor to the other studies and essential for analysis of the period. For reviews of vol. 1, see HLAS 31:7229 and HLAS 32:2599a"--Handbook of Latin American Studies, v. 58.
"Third volume of in-depth analysis of the army. Format is similar to previous two volumes. There is, however, more emphasis on the internal maneuvering which characterizes the period. The detail is based on information provided by the participants. A worthy successor to the other studies and essential for analysis of the period. For reviews of vol. 1, see HLAS 31:7229 and HLAS 32:2599a"--Handbook of Latin American Studies, v. 58.
This study focuses on the formal education system in Argentina during the 1940s, the 1950s, and the early 1960s. It analyzes the link between politics and education against the backdrop of changing social conditions in Argentina under the regimes of Peron, Lonardi and Aramburu (the Liberating Revolution), and Frondizi, by evaluating textbooks, official bulletins, childrens' periodicals, speeches, and personal interviews.
Covering the period from the re-establishment of the Irish militia during the Crimean War until the disbandment of the Ulster Defence Regiment in 1992, this book examines the Irish amateur military tradition within the British Army, distinctive from a British amateur military tradition. Irish men and women of both religions and political persuasions made a significant contribution to these forces, and in so doing played an important role within the British Empire, whilst also providing a crucial link between the army and Irish society.Utilising new source material, this book demonstrates the complex nature of Irish involvement with British institutions and its Empire. It argues that within this unique tradition, two divergent Protestant and Catholic traditions emerged, and membership of these organisations was used as a means of social mobility, for political patronage, and, crucially, to demonstrate loyalty to Britain and its Empire.
The term coup d'état--French for stroke of the state--brings to mind coups staged by power-hungry generals who overthrow the existing regime, not to democratize, but to concentrate power in their own hands as dictators. We assume all coups look the same, smell the same, and present the same threats to democracy. It's a powerful, concise, and self-reinforcing idea. It's also wrong. In The Democratic Coup d'État, Ozan Varol advances a simple, yet controversial, argument: Sometimes, a democracy is established through a military coup. Covering events from the Athenian Navy's stance in 411 B.C. against a tyrannical home government, to coups in the American colonies that ousted corrupt British governors, to twentieth-century coups that toppled dictators and established democracy in countries as diverse as Guinea-Bissau, Portugal, and Colombia, the book takes the reader on a gripping journey. Connecting the dots between these neglected events, Varol weaves a balanced narrative that challenges everything we thought we knew about military coups. In so doing, he tackles several baffling questions: How can an event as undemocratic as a military coup lead to democracy? Why would imposing generals-armed with tanks and guns and all-voluntarily surrender power to civilian politicians? What distinguishes militaries that help build democracies from those that destroy them? Varol's arguments made headlines across the globe in major media outlets and were cited critically in a public speech by Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Written for a general audience, this book will entertain, challenge, and provoke, but more importantly, serve as a reminder of the imperative to question the standard narratives about our world and engage with all ideas, no matter how controversial.
Annotation. David Rock has written the first comprehensive study of nationalism in Argentina, a fundamentalist movement pledged to violence and a dictatorship that came to a head with the notorious "disappearances" of the 1970s. This radical, right wing movement has had a profound impact on twentieth-century Argentina, leaving its mark on almost all aspects of Argentine life--art and literature, journalism, education, the church, and of course, politics.
Peronism, the Argentine political movement created by Juan Perón in the 1940's, has revolved since its inception around a personalistic leader, a set of powerful trade unions, and a weakly institutionalized political party. This book examines why Peronism continued to be weakly institutionalized as a party after Perón was overthrown in 1955 and argues that this weakness has impeded the consolidation of Argentine democracy. Within an analysis of Peronism from 1943 to 1995, the author pays special attention to the 1962-66 and 1984-88 periods, when some Peronist politicians and union leaders tried, but failed, to strengthen the party structure. By identifying the forces that led to these efforts of party-building and by analyzing the counterforces that thwarted them, he shows how these failures have shaped Argentina's experience with democracy. Drawing on this interpretation of Peronism and its place in Argentine politics, the book develops a distributive conflict/political party explanation for Argentina's democratic instability and contrasts it to alternatives that stress economic dependency, populist economic policies, political culture, and military interventionism.
The author carefully reconstructs the crisis of Argentine political economy over the past 25 years. He examines the roles of the major protagonists in contemporary Argentine politics.
