In 1970, a group of people had what many commentators felt was a ludicrous dream, that politics in Northern Ireland 'should not be dominated by division, but should be about co-operation, partnership and reconciliation. This dream was to become the Alliance Party of Northern Ireland. In the years since, this ambition to overcome tribal politics for a greater good has been preserved, through good times and bad. This book, the first full record of the development of the Alliance Party, charts that journey of hope and of history.
Northern Ireland's political system is dominated by an Irish Catholic nationalist versus British Protestant unionist faultline, based upon the long-running argument over whether the region should remain part of the United Kingdom or form part of a United Ireland. Yet the largest category of elector in Northern Ireland says they are neither a unionist nor a nationalist and the third most popular political party is now Alliance, which is not aligned to either of the two traditional constitutional positions. Drawing upon a unique in-depth survey of its members, this volume analyses the history and contemporary rise of Alliance and the surge of a centrist party in Northern Irish politics which is challenging the old order. How has a party which eschews ethnic bloc politics, has no constitutional preference, and contains a mix of Catholics, Protestants, and many of no religion come to prominence in a polity whose political institutions are framed upon an old binary divide? The Alliance Party of Northern Ireland undertakes an extensive membership survey analysing the role of a non-ethnic party in an ethnic system, assessing Alliance identities, politics, and futures. Can Alliance integrate Northern Irish society through shared education and housing or will continuing polarisation thwart the Party's project? Would Alliance take a position in the event of a constitutional referendum on Northern Ireland's future - and what might that stand be? These and other key questions form part of a novel study of the party of Northern Ireland's often overlooked centre ground. The volume is essential reading for those wanting to understand how non-ethnic parties can survive and even thrive within an ethnic party system.
For almost three decades the troubles in Northern Ireland raged, claiming over 3,600 lives, with civilians accounting for almost half the fatalities. In this book, Jonathan Tonge examines the reasons for that conflict; the motivations of the groups involved and explores the prospects for a post-conflict Northern Ireland. The book: assesses the motivations and campaigns of the IRA, UVF and UDA and other armed groups discusses what each paramilitary group achieved through violence analyses the continuing controversies surrounding the Northern Irelands dirty war outlines the extent of collusion between British security forces and loyalist paramilitaries explores how governments and political parties shaped the peace process scrutinizes prospects for the political development of unionism and nationalism within a devolved power sharing framework examines whether the sectarian divide is strengthening or weakening concludes by assessing whether Northern Ireland can move permanently from violence and instability to become a normal peaceful polity, in which the war is merely a historic relic Written by an acknowledged expert in the field, Northern Ireland combines incisive analysis, original research and a lucid style to provide an important assessment of what has been described as an 800 year old problem.
The aim of this book is to analyse whether the implementation of the peacebuilding elements of the Belfast Agreement contributed to the transformation of the protracted Northern Ireland Conflict. Therefore, this book deals with the following sections of the Agreement: Rights, Safeguards and Equality of Opportunity, Decommissioning, Security, Policing and Justice, and Prisoners. The author comes to the conclusion that the majority of the peacebuilding elements contributed to the transformation of the Northern Ireland Conflict. The results of the study were obtained in conducting interviews, in consulting surveys, and in studying reports and other relevant literature on the recent developments in Northern Ireland.
Consociational power sharing is often perceived to be the method of conflict management that is most likely to succeed in deeply divided societies. The case of Northern Ireland in particular is heralded by many as a consociational success story. Since the signing of the Good Friday (Belfast) Agreement in 1998, significant conflict transformation has taken place in the form of a considerable reduction in levels of violence and the establishment of power sharing between unionists and nationalists. This book looks at what consociational power sharing achieves after its implementation – specifically, whether it can work to overcome existing identities in divided societies, or whether it simply freezes divisions. It argues that if consociational power sharing is facilitating a move towards a genuinely shared society, this would be demonstrated in the focus of the election campaigns of Northern Ireland’s political parties, which would be almost exclusively based around socio-economic issues affecting the whole population, rather than narrow single identity concerns. However, the book claims that, on the whole, this has not been realised. Although election campaigns are today less strident than they were in the pre-1998 era, it remains the case that they usually foreground single identity symbolism, as it is this that resonates with voters. Whilst consociational power sharing has been very successful in reducing levels of violent conflict and facilitating elite level cooperation between unionists and nationalists, it has been much less successful in reducing divisions within wider society to facilitate a genuinely shared Northern Irish identity. By establishing an important middle ground between consociational proponents and critics, this research will be of significant interest to students and scholars of ethnic politics, political sociology, conflict management, and divided societies more generally.
Lee Smithey examines how symbolic cultural expressions in Northern Ireland, such as parades, bonfires, murals, and commemorations, provide opportunities for Protestant unionists and loyalists to reconstruct their collective identities and participate in conflict transformation.
Containing contributions from leading names in British politics, this review continues to publish front-rank research on parties, elections and voting behaviour in Britain.
