The 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty: A Need for Change

The 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty: A Need for Change

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Publisher:

Published: 1996

Total Pages: 16

ISBN-13:

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In the early 197Os, amidst a world order predominantly defined by the Cold War relationship between the US and the Soviet Union, both nations agreed that then- strategic security would be best served by deterrence based on mutual vulnerability to nuclear ballistic missile attack Thus, Mutual Assured Destruction (MAD) became the prevailing strategic arrangement -- a long-term, ultra-high stakes US-Soviet standoff backed by massive nuclear arsenals land sealed by the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty, more aptly thought of as an anti-ABM treaty. The fact that the Cold War never became hot may suggest that MAD was right for the time, but the post-Cold War strategic setting has made the 1972 ABM Treaty a relic that is no longer valid. In fact, continued adherence to the treaty, based as it is on the Cold War mind set that strategic deterrence and strategic defense are mutually exclusive, is progressively undermining the security of the US which the treaty was originally intended to preserve. To remedy this, the US must do nothing less than press ahead with the development and deployment of a limited national ABM capability and, accordingly, seek to significantly modify the 1972 ABM treaty in conjunction with Russia to achieve a strategic deterrence-defense mix that is essential for today's world context.


The ABM Treaty

The ABM Treaty

Author: Walther Stützle

Publisher: Stockholm International Peace Research Institute

Published: 1987

Total Pages: 240

ISBN-13: 9780198291237

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The current debate on the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, a matter of considerable significance for East-West relations and international security, is examined by thirteen authors selected from the international community for their expertise. In the introduction, the three editors from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute highlight the complexities of the problems involved and identify possible solutions. Ambassadors Gerard Smith and Vladimir Semenov, the two negotiators of the 1972 Treaty, give their views, and subsequent papers address the significance of the current US and Soviet interpretations of such issues as space-based defences. The 'grey areas' in the Treaty are highlighted, and the much neglected implications for the international community in general and the small nuclear powers and alliances in particular are presented.


The ABM Treaty and Theater Missile Defense

The ABM Treaty and Theater Missile Defense

Author: Steven A. Hildreth

Publisher:

Published: 1994

Total Pages: 0

ISBN-13:

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The Clinton Administration recently decided to establish a formal understanding with Russia and other states of the former Soviet Union on the demarcation between theater missile defenses (TMD) and strategic ballistic missile defenses limited by the 1972 ABM (Anti-ballistic Missile) Treaty. Although the proposed changes to the Treaty apparently have been received warmly by Russia and other former Soviet states, some supporters of the ABM Treaty in the United States have voiced strong concerns and opposition. The proposed changes come at a time of increasing concern over the global proliferation of ballistic missiles and when advanced U.S. TMD programs approach their testing phase. Continued development of these programs depends on the outcome of current negotiations in Geneva. The Administration seeks to ensure that TMD systems can be deployed against 3,000 kilometer range missile threats. Currently, however, only China and Saudi Arabia possess these long-range theater systems in the developing world. Almost all of the tactical and theater-range ballistic missiles today travel less than about 900 kilometers. The future, however, especially concerning North Korean missile developments, is unclear. Because Congress has strongly supported the ABM Treaty as well as development of TMD programs, the current proposed ABM Treaty demarcation could focus congressional attention on the rationale and need for advanced mm programs. Some in Congress have also begun to assert the need for a formal Senate role in any potential ABM treaty change. Although the Administration indicates it will consult closely with Congress on the form of any final agreement, it is not sure that Congress will be asked to play a formal role.


New Weapon Technologies & the ABM Treaty

New Weapon Technologies & the ABM Treaty

Author: Herbert Lin

Publisher: Potomac Books

Published: 1988

Total Pages: 126

ISBN-13:

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The Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty of 1972 is regarded as the most important arms control agreement currently in force between the United States and the Soviet Union. Lin identifies the key technical issues being encountered by the ABM Treaty and shows how new weapon technologies not widely anticipated in 1972 may erode the treaty regime. He focuses on emerging technologies such as lasers and particle beams, and dual-capable technologies that include antisatellite weapons, anti-tactical ballistic missiles, and surface-to-air missiles. He also suggests that both governments must address issues that can exploit weaknesses of the treaty, in order to keep it alive. ISBN 0-08-035964-7 (pbk.): $9.90.


The Rise and Fall of the 1972 Anti-ballistic Missile Treaty

The Rise and Fall of the 1972 Anti-ballistic Missile Treaty

Author:

Publisher:

Published: 2003

Total Pages: 16

ISBN-13:

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On 13 June 2002, the United States formally withdrew from the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty. Arms control advocates throughout Russia, Europe, and the U.S. had routinely referred to the ABM Treaty as the "cornerstone" of strategic stability and had predicted abrogation would trigger a new nuclear arms race. Yet the international community greeted the treaty's termination with muted resignation. Russian President Putin responded the next day by declaring his nation no longer bound by the second Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START II), a largely hollow gesture since START II never entered into force by either party and, just one month earlier, Russia and the U.S. had concluded the Strategic Offensive Reduction Treaty which reduced offensive nuclear weapons far below the START II goals. How was it possible that the ABM Treaty, regarded as crucial to nuclear stability and world peace, expired with so little political fallout or even fanfare? How was the Bush administration able to achieve, if not world-wide consensus, then at least widespread acquiescence towards its missile defense proposals? This paper will attempt to answer these questions by examining the political, technical and strategic considerations that produced the consensus against missile defenses in 1972 and then determining how these considerations had changed by late 2001 in favor of missile defenses. To limit the scope of this paper, I've chosen to examine only two periods in the history of missile defense: the 1957-1972 period preceding the adoption of the ABM Treaty, and the 1991-2002 period resulting in the treaty's termination.