Nigeria is Africa's largest oil producing country. Oil generates enormous wealth but also extensive and devastating conflict in the country. High Stakes and Stakeholders critically explores the oil conflict in Nigeria, its evolution, dynamics and most significantly, the interplay and consequences of high stake politics for the reproduction and persistence of the conflict. It presents a conceptual anatomy of state-oil industry-society relations and demonstrates how the embedded material interests and accumulation patterns of different stakeholders underlie, shape and complicate both the oil conflict and security. In addition, the book provides key insights into comparable conflicts elsewhere in the global south, developing a logical framework for resolving the oil conflict in Nigeria and for reforming the security sector. This book is valuable reading material for courses in international political economy, social ecology, development studies, African politics, conflict and security studies, and environmental law and management. It will also be of interest to policy practitioners, civil societies and the oil industry.
'Nigeria’s Resource Wars' reflects on the diversity of conflicts over access to, and allocation of, resources in Nigeria. From the devastating effects of crude oil exploration in the Niger Delta to desertification caused by climate change, and illegal gold mining in Zamfara, to mention a few, Nigeria faces new dimensions of resource-related struggles. The ravaging effects of these resource conflicts between crop farmers and Fulani herders in Nigeria’s Middlebelt and states across Southern Nigeria call for urgent scholarly interventions; with the Fulani cattle breeders’ onslaught altering the histories of many Nigerian families through deaths, loss of homes and investments, and permanent physical incapacity. Currently, there is an almost total breakdown of interethnic relations, with political commentators acknowledging that Nigeria has never been so divided as it presently is in its history. The struggles have now degenerated into kidnaps, armed robbery, and incessant targeted and random killings across the country; compounding the already complex problem of insecurity in Nigeria. The chapters in this volume engage with these issues, presenting the different arguments on resource conflicts in Nigeria. They draw insights from similar conflicts in Nigeria’s colonial/post-independence past and events from around the world to proffer possible solutions to resource-related confrontations in Africa. By offering a collection of different intellectual perspectives on resource conflicts in Nigeria, this volume will be an important reference material for understanding the diversity of thought patterns that underpin the struggle and policy approaches towards resolving conflict situations in Africa. This volume will be of considerable interest to scholars of Africa, researchers in the humanities, social sciences, and conflict studies, and policymakers interested in understanding the resource crisis in Africa.
Boko Haram is the major threat to the Nigerian state, and has emerged as a destabilizing factor across sub-Saharan Africa. This is now a major focus of global policy-making, as between 2013 and 2014 insurgency-related deaths in Nigeria exceeded those in Iraq and Afghanistan. This book is the first to focus on the military nature of Boko Haram, the reasons for its success in those specific regions of the Chad basin it operates in and a detailed history of the Nigerian army's counter-insurgency – with whom, uniquely, the author has spent research time. The book identifies and analyses the battles and skirmishes on the front line, as well as unearthing a wider explanation for Boko Haram's military success and the causes of the instability in the region.
The main theme of this book is to provide a critical analysis of the Nigerian dependent management and leadership development in the post world war II colonial Nigeria. (1945-to-1960) and beyond, using foreign fi rms-global/multinational and transnational corporations; U.A.C., SHELL, NNPC and OPEC. All these foreign fi rms have their parent companies resided in their foreign countries of origin (advanced metropolis) and have their subsidiaries or peripheries all over the global communities of underdeveloped and developing economies. Paradoxically, the book was generated by on-going political, economic concern and controversy with the fate of the struggle and quest for economic liberation in the third world-under-developed and developing countries of Africa, with direct specifi c studies of the Nigeria dependent management and leadership development, predates, from pre and post colonial era of the British colonial rule in Nigeria. The book further focuses, elicits and elucidates the third world dependent development. International Political Economy and Global/Multinational-Transnational Corporations, economic and political roles in Nigerias agricultural and oil base economic factors, by using Nigeria raw materials/natural resources to produce into fi nished products. The profi ts maximization, surpluses and heavy taxation realized through levied and derived from the genesis of the raw materials, making it into complete fi nished products, from the subsidiary country Nigeria, by the British global/multinational corporations of (U.A.C.) the United Africa Company, on the poor peasantry/farmers were been appropriated, expropriated back to the U.A.Cs parent company in the United Kingdoms ministry of food and supply. The other raw materials/natural resources of the crude petroleum/oil manufacturing economy were been monopolized by the SHELL Oil Royal Dutch of Netherlands and British SHELL post emerged, based on the concession signed in Britain, as the British government during colonial rule in Nigeria discovered crude oil segments deposits, in the todays south-south at Oloibiri in 1956, province/region in the today, south-south of eastern Nigeria. The NNPC the Nigeria indigenous oil transnational corporation, represented the Nigeria federal government crude oil reserve ownership of 55 % (in a shared venture, with SHELL British Petroleum and her partner of the Netherland Royal Dutch Oil Co-SHELL- SHELL owned 30 %) and profi ts made by SHELL was transferred to the SHELL parent oil Co, Headquarters at Hague, Netherland; Finally, the OPEC relationship with Nigeria, and the world oil market, emerged as the oil giant (developing oil organization) permanent inter-governmental organization, seemed competitively world oil organization, bailed out the global oil community in terms of world oil market stock exchange crashes and recessions; global oil gluts, oil embargos, regional civil wars and unrest threatened OPEC oil production, intercepts in bailing out the global oil community, via by optimal production and supplies was apparent in OPEC sustainability growth and reinforce the world oil market business continuity. OPEC main theme was apparently formed to stabilize and fi x oil prices, amongst the member 12 oil producing and exporting countries from the third world. Assist the member oil producer member countries to produce oil in a quota basis system to prevent any oil price manipulations, intimidations, exploitative mechanism of oil sales malpractices and price anomalies.
Olusegun Obasanjo has been the most important and controversial figure in Nigeria's first 50 years of independence and the most powerful African of his time. John Iliffe examines Olusegun Obasanjo's complex personality and the extreme controversy he arouses among Nigerians, and illustrates the immense demands made on a leader of a state like Nigeria.
Reimagining our global economy so it becomes more sustainable and prosperous for all Our global economic system is broken. But we can replace the current picture of global upheaval, unsustainability, and uncertainty with one of an economy that works for all people, and the planet. First, we must eliminate rising income inequality within societies where productivity and wage growth has slowed. Second, we must reduce the dampening effect of monopoly market power wielded by large corporations on innovation and productivity gains. And finally, the short-sighted exploitation of natural resources that is corroding the environment and affecting the lives of many for the worse must end. The debate over the causes of the broken economy—laissez-faire government, poorly managed globalization, the rise of technology in favor of the few, or yet another reason—is wide open. Stakeholder Capitalism: A Global Economy that Works for Progress, People and Planet argues convincingly that if we don't start with recognizing the true shape of our problems, our current system will continue to fail us. To help us see our challenges more clearly, Schwab—the Founder and Executive Chairman of the World Economic Forum—looks for the real causes of our system's shortcomings, and for solutions in best practices from around the world in places as diverse as China, Denmark, Ethiopia, Germany, Indonesia, New Zealand, and Singapore. And in doing so, Schwab finds emerging examples of new ways of doing things that provide grounds for hope, including: Individual agency: how countries and policies can make a difference against large external forces A clearly defined social contract: agreement on shared values and goals allows government, business, and individuals to produce the most optimal outcomes Planning for future generations: short-sighted presentism harms our shared future, and that of those yet to be born Better measures of economic success: move beyond a myopic focus on GDP to more complete, human-scaled measures of societal flourishing By accurately describing our real situation, Stakeholder Capitalism is able to pinpoint achievable ways to deal with our problems. Chapter by chapter, Professor Schwab shows us that there are ways for everyone at all levels of society to reshape the broken pieces of the global economy and—country by country, company by company, and citizen by citizen—glue them back together in a way that benefits us all.
This book explores the varied ways in which Nigeria needs to undergird her national security and sustainable strategies with critical thinking perspectives and principles. With insecurity in one way or another present in most, if not all, of Nigeria, this volume brings together military professionals and civilian scholars to present their shared understanding in order to answer an age-old question: Whither Nigeria’s national security and strategy? The book is relevant to political leaders, policy makers and scholars with diverse interests around sustainable strategies within security services. Ultimately, it will foster debate and constructively addresses various issues ranging from social, political, cultural, historical, economic, military and intellectual strategies.
This book offers a detailed examination of the counter-insurgency operations undertaken by the Nigerian military against Boko Haram between 2011 and 2017. Based on extensive fieldwork conducted with military units in Nigeria, Counter-Insurgency in Nigeria has two main aims. First, it seeks to provide an understanding of the Nigerian military’s internal role – a role that today, as a result of internal threats, pivots towards counter-insurgency. The book illustrates how organizational culture, historical experience, institutions, and doctrine, are critical to understanding the Nigerian military and its attitudes and actions against the threat of civil disobedience, today and in the past. The second aim of the book is to examine the Nigerian military campaign against Boko Haram insurgents – specifically, plans and operations between June 2011 and April 2017. Within this second theme, emphasis is placed on the idea of battlefield innovation and the reorganization within the Nigerian military since 2013, as the Nigerian Army and Air Force recalibrated themselves for COIN warfare. A certain mystique has surrounded the technicalities of COIN operations by the Army against Boko Haram, and this book aims to disperse that veil of secrecy. Furthermore, the work’s analysis of the air force’s role in counter-insurgency is unprecedented within the literature on military warfare in Nigeria. This book will be of great interest to students of military studies, counter-insurgency, counter-terrorism, African politics and security studies in general.
