Reports and analyses tentatively the 1976 Elections focusing on the pre-election conditions, results and subsequent coalition formation. Data we gathered and interviews with ministry officials, officers and advisors of various political parties were conducted on a field trip to Thailand in March/April 1976. Concludes tentatively that the public has swung to the right and that certain problems must be overcome or a collapse of the Democrat coalition could ensue and a military coup d'etat even result. With 7 tables, diagram and 3 appendixes.
An attempt will be made to provide explanations for China's initial negative reactions to ASEAN as well as to account for the change towards a more positive approach in later years. Discussion on the subject will be along the following lines; first, a brief comment on China's foreign policy objectives in Southeast Asia; secondly, an analysis of Chinese reactions to the formation of ASEAN in 1967; thirdly, Chinese attitudes towards the Association in the years following its establishment but preceding Peking's change in policy and, finally, an analysis of the factors which led to a more favorable approach to the Association.
Analyses the problems in external relations, delving into the background of the recent trends, and examines relations with China, USSR, US, Japan, Indochina and ASEAN partly in the light of internal events.
Why have Taiwan, rich parts of China, and Thailand boomed famously, while the Philippines has long remained stagnant both economically and politically? Do booms abet democracy? Does the rise of middle "classes" promise future liberalization? Why has Philippine democracy brought no boom and barely served the Filipino people? This book, unlike previous books, shows that both the roots and results of growth are largely political, not just economic. Specifically, it pays attention to local, not just national, power networks that caused or prevented growth in the aforementioned countries. Violence has been common in these politics, along with money. Elections have contributed to socio-political problems that are also obvious in Leninist or junta regimes, because elections are surprisingly easy to buy with corrupt money from government contracts. Liberals should pay more serious theoretical attention to the effects of money on justice, and Western political science should focus more clearly on the ways non-state local power affects elections. By considering the role of local money and power (above all, from small- and medium-sized firms that emerged after agrarian reforms) on elections and justice, this book asks democrats squarely to face the extent to which electoral procedures have failed to help ordinary citizens. Students and scholars of Asia will all need this book - as will students of the West whose methods have become parochial.
Why do some countries in the developing world achieve growth with equity, while others do not? If democracy is the supposed panacea for the developing world, why have Southeast Asian democracies had such uneven results? In exploring these questions, political scientist Erik Martinez Kuhonta argues that the realization of equitable development hinges heavily on strong institutions, particularly institutionalized political parties and cohesive interventionist states, and on moderate policy and ideology. The Institutional Imperative is framed as a structured and focused comparative-historical analysis of the politics of inequality in Malaysia and Thailand, but also includes comparisons with the Philippines and Vietnam. It shows how Malaysia and Vietnam have had the requisite institutional capacity and power to advance equitable development, while Thailand and the Philippines, because of weaker institutions, have not achieved the same levels of success. At its core, the book makes a forceful claim for the need for institutional power and institutional capacity to alleviate structural inequalities.
The rapid growth in exports of manufactures from developing countries has unsettled the performance of manufacturing activities in many developed countries. Asian countries are heavily involved in the export of manufactures. Australia typifies the problems faced by the developed countries. How should Australia respond? Should it attempt to isolate itself from Asia? Or should it attempt to integrate itself with Asia? Is the removal of import restraints a prerequisite for closer integration? Or can closer integration be achieved by alternative approaches which are more politically acceptable? These issues are discussed.
