Michael Wallerstein was a leader in developing a rigorous comparative political economy approach to understanding substantive issues of inequality, redistribution, and wage-determination. His early death from cancer left both a hole in the profession and a legacy that will surely provide the foundation for research on these topics. This volume collects his most important and influential contributions, organized by topic, with each topic preceded by an editorial introduction that provides overview and context.
Why do unemployment, inflation, and growth rates vary across political economies? Why are some capitalist societies more equitable than others? Why is public spending higher in some countries than others? Drawing on insights from political science, economics, and business, this book addresses these and other related questions in the context of advanced capitalist democracies. The first part of the book investigates how macroeconomic performance and policy outcomes such as public spending, tax revenue, and trade openness are shaped by various economic and political institutions as well as democratic politics. The second part probes the effects of economic performance and social changes on domestic politics. At the end of each chapter, key terms, review questions, and a short list of recommended readings are included. Each chapter is designed to familiarize readers with core concepts, theoretical arguments, and empirical evidence related to different substantive themes. With in-text focus boxes and short case studies, this book is ideal for anyone seeking a rigorous introduction to the comparative political economy of advanced political economies, and will be a valuable text on courses in political economy, comparative economics, and related areas.
This book makes an important contribution to the literature of public policy, political philosophy and political economy and the author argues that wage policy is an important component in the maintenance of democratic society.
Why are representative democracies extensively criticised, yet remain widely aspired to throughout the world? Many citizens believe that democratic politicians operate with privileged information that allows them autonomy from genuine democratic controls, a phenomenon reinforced by the opacity of internal party politics. In established democracies throughout the world there is a widespread perception that political parties compete for power, yet no significant differences exist between them. Moreover, economic inequalities are no longer redressed by national governments in a world where markets are dominant and relevant decisions have been taken out of domestic politics. Citizens vote, but their choice is hardly relevant. This has led to widespread demands for 'more' democracy. But what does that mean in practice? Can democracies introduce greater 'representation' of citizens' interests? Do politicians operate as an autonomous caste hardly challenged by voters? Has political competition become irrelevant for the welfare of people? Do citizens want more democracy in internal party politics? And turning beyond the nation-state, has the European Union changed the scope of policy alternatives and influenced the accountability of politicians? What have been the consequences of European integration for national democracies? In his major new book, José María Maravall examines these and many other questions fundamental to democratic politics in the 21st Century. In doing so he draws extensively on original empirical evidence from 21 OECD parliamentary democracies from 1945 to 2010, and 1,259 country/year observations focused on politics, representation, parties, inequality, economic policies, and the political and economic conditions of European integration.
This book uses original data from China's National People's Congress to challenge conceptions of representation, authoritarianism, and the political system.
Drawing on a multi-method study, from the late nineteenth century to the present, of the stark variations in educational and health outcomes within a large, federal, multiethnic developing country - India, this book develops an argument for the power of collective identity as an impetus for state prioritization of social welfare.
This book delivers a fresh and fascinating perspective on the issue of the minimum wage. While most discussions of the minimum wage place it at the center of a debate between those who oppose such a policy and argue it leads to greater unemployment, and those who favor it and argue it improves the economic well-being of low-income workers, Levin-Waldman makes the case for the minimum wage as a way to improve the well-being of middle-income workers, strengthen the US economy, reduce income inequality, and enhance democracy. Making a timely and original contribution to the defining issues of our time—the state of the middle class, the problem of inequality, and the crisis of democratic governance—Restoring the Middle Class through Wage Policy will be of interest to students and researchers considering the impact of such approaches across the fields of public policy, economics, and political science.
These days, it is easy to be cynical about democracy. Even though there are more democratic societies now (119 and counting) than ever before, skeptics can point to low turnouts in national elections, the degree to which money corrupts the process, and the difficulties of mass participation in complex systems as just a few reasons why the system is flawed. The Occupy movement in 2011 proved that there is an emphatic dissatisfaction with the current state of affairs, particularly with the economy, but, ultimately, it failed to produce any coherent vision for social change. So what should progressives be working toward? What should the economic vision be for the 21st century? After Occupy boldly argues that democracy should not just be a feature of political institutions, but of economic institutions as well. In fact, despite the importance of the economy in democratic societies, there is very little about it that is democratic. Questioning whether the lack of democracy in the economy might be unjust, Tom Malleson scrutinizes workplaces, the market, and financial and investment institutions to consider the pros and cons of democratizing each. He considers examples of successful efforts toward economic democracy enacted across the globe, from worker cooperatives in Spain to credit unions and participatory budgeting measures in Brazil and questions the feasibility of expanding each. The book offers the first comprehensive and radical vision for democracy in the economy, but it is far from utopian. Ultimately, After Occupy offers possibility, demonstrating in a remarkably tangible way that when political democracy evolves to include economic democracy, our societies will have a chance of meaningful equality for all.
5.4 Office- and policy-seeking performance of Social Democracy -- 5.5 The use of public powers through government by Social Democracy -- 6 The use of public powers: Social Democratic policy formation and policy performance -- 6.1 Introduction -- 6.2 The interdependence between state and society: intervention and care -- 6.3 The Dual Welfare State as a policy profile of Social Democracy -- 6.4 Does Social Democratic policy formation matter? -- 6.5 Towards a Social Democratic society? -- 7 Searching for a new direction: Third Ways, Europe and globalisation -- 7.1 Introduction -- 7.2 Globalisation, European integration and national welfare -- 7.3 A new Social Democratic model? From Dual Welfare State to social investment state -- 7.4 Social Democratic programmatic change: from Left to Right? -- 7.5 Maintaining power resources of Social Democracy: votes or office? -- 7.6 The policy performance of the 'new' Social Democracy -- 7.7 Global change and flexible adjustments: Social Democracy in flux -- 8 Varieties of Social Democracy: pathways to power and mission performance -- 8.1 Epitome: Social Democracy - unity and diversity and development -- 8.2 Democratisation and the development of Social Democratic power resources -- 8.3 Ideological change and its ramifications for the Social Democratic project and model -- 8.4 Gaining political powers and party control to develop the Dual Welfare State -- 8.5 From diversity to mainstreaming: Social Democracy moving into the 21st century -- Appendix -- Index.
How Nations Innovate compares how affluent capitalist economies differ in their patterns of technological innovation. Building on the 'varieties of capitalism' literature, this book goes beyond the traditional focus on 'radical versus incremental innovation' in existing scholarship, and takes the comparison of capitalism to an entirely new set of questions around technological innovation. For example, which type of capitalism engages in job-threatening innovation? Whose innovation widens income inequality? Whose innovation raises productivity? Which type of capitalism has more effective financial markets for innovation? Whose innovators emphasize 'control' rather than 'flexibility' during innovation? By addressing these questions, the author demonstrates that the way nations innovate often has deep, and sometimes counter-intuitive, implications for how they compare in many areas of socio-economic performance. For example, although venture capital is most active in Anglo-Saxon economies, it seems that venture-capital performance in stimulating innovation is also poorest in precisely these countries. On the issue of employment, the author argues that, whilst technological innovation in Anglo-Saxon economies creates jobs, innovation in European economies destroys jobs. Nations also differ in the nature of income inequality driven by innovation. While innovation pushes top earners further ahead of median earners in Anglo-Saxon economies, it drags bottom earners further behind the median in European economies. Finally, varieties of capitalism also differ in their ability to cope with the volatilities of innovation. While Anglo-Saxon economies face a trade-off between low volatility and high innovation output, these two goals seem jointly achievable in European economies.
