Written in an accessible style, the papers in this volume document and analyse particular components of the Children First reforms, including governance, community engagement, finance, accountability, and instruction. Aimed at instituting evidence-based practices to produce higher and more equitable outcomes for all students, the policies that comprise the Children First initiative represent an attempt at organisational improvement and systemic learning.
The transformation of child care after welfare reform in New York City and the struggle against that transformation is a largely untold story. In the decade following welfare reform, despite increases in child care funding, there was little growth in New York's unionized, center-based child care system and no attempt to make this system more responsive to the needs of working mothers. As the city delivered child care services "on the cheap," relying on non-union home child care providers, welfare rights organizations, community legal clinics, child care advocates, low-income community groups, activist mothers, and labor unions organized to demand fair solutions to the child care crisis that addressed poor single mothers' need for quality, affordable child care as well as child care providers' need for decent work and pay. Social Reproduction and the City tells this story, linking welfare reform to feminist research and activism around the "crisis of care," social reproduction, and the neoliberal city. At a theoretical level, Simon Black's history of this era presents a feminist political economy of the urban welfare regime, applying a social reproduction lens to processes of urban neoliberalization and an urban lens to feminist analyses of welfare state restructuring and resistance. Feminist political economy and feminist welfare state scholarship have not focused on the urban as a scale of analysis, and critical approaches to urban neoliberalism often fail to address questions of social reproduction. To address these unexplored areas, Black unpacks the urban as a contested site of welfare state restructuring and examines the escalating crisis in social reproduction. He lays bare the aftermath of the welfare-to-work agenda of the Giuliani administration in New York City on child care and the resistance to policies that deepened race, class, and gender inequities.
Since its emergence in the mid-nineteenth century as the nation's "metropolis," New York has faced the most challenging housing problems of any American city, but it has also led the nation in innovation and reform. Plunz traces New York's housing development from 1850 to the present, exploring the housing of all classes, discussing the development of types ranging from the single-family house to the high-rise apartment tower.
Defining Democracy reveals the history of a little-known experiment in urban democracy begun in New York City during the Great Depression and abolished amid the early Cold War. For a decade, New Yorkers utilized a new voting system that produced the most diverse legislatures in the city's history and challenged the American two-party structure. Daniel O. Prosterman examines struggles over electoral reform in New York City to clarify our understanding of democracy's evolution in the United States and the world.
"John Louis Recchiuti recounts the history of a vibrant network of young American scholars and social activists who helped transform a city and a nation. In this study, Recchiuti focuses on more than a score of Progressive reformers, including Florence Kelley, W. E. B. Du Bois, E. R. A. Seligman, Charles Beard, Franz Boaz, Frances Perkins, Samuel Lindsay, Edward Devine, Mary Simkhovitch, and George Edmund Haynes. He reminds us how people from markedly diverse backgrounds forged a movement to change a city, and beyond it, a nation."--BOOK JACKET.
The New York House of Refuge, the first institution in America to deal with the juvenile delinquent as a special problem, opened its doors in 1825. This is the story of the critical early years of juvenile reform, which soon became a national movement.
A challenge to viceThis book examines New York reformers' efforts during the Jacksonian era to prevent young women and men from straying into sexual vice. Convinced that sin was voluntary, and thus subject to eradication, the reformers attacked such vices as drinking alcohol, and sexual misconduct. The "wicked city" would be purified and made into a proper Christian community.Help for prostitutesReform organizations first exposed the city's growing prostitution problem by enumerating the prostitutes and describing their condition. To rescue the women, the reformers made modest efforts to establish asylums where the women could learn proper morals and receive alternative vocational training. By the mid 1930s the Female Benevolent Society's asylum cared for a small but steady number of penitents, returning most of them to their families or placing them as servants in private homes.Shame for clientsA split in the reform efforts came in 1834 when some reformers gave up on prostituterescue and began to focus on the prevention of sexual misconduct. The Female Moral Reform Society targeted male seducers by seeking an anti-seduction law and by publishing the names of prostitutes patrons. In addition, the Society formulated a code of conduct for women and men to prevent them from falling victim to the city's enticements. The Society exposed many women for the first time to the city's working class conditions and made them aware of how poverty and economic difficulties contributed to the prostitution problem. At the same time, the women's expertise made some of them take notice of women's conditions in general, and become determined to bring changes to the male-dominated community.
A 2020 AESA Critics' Choice Book Award winner The rise of high-stakes testing in New York and across the nation has narrowed and simplified what is taught, while becoming central to the effort to privatize public schools. However, it and similar reform efforts have met resistance, with New York as the exemplar for how to repel standardized testing and invasive data collection, such as inBloom. In New York, the two parent/teacher organizations that have been most effective are Long Island Opt Out and New York State Allies for Public Education. Over the last four years, they and other groups have focused on having parents refuse to submit their children to the testing regime, arguing that if students don’t take the tests, the results aren’t usable. The opt-out movement has been so successful that 20% of students statewide and 50% of students on Long Island refused to take tests. In Opting Out, two parent leaders of the opt-out movement—Jeanette Deutermann and Lisa Rudley—tell why and how they became activists in the two organizations. The story of parents, students, and teachers resisting not only high-stakes testing but also privatization and other corporate reforms parallels the rise of teachers across the country going on strike to demand increases in school funding and teacher salaries. Both the success of the opt-out movement and teacher strikes reflect the rise of grassroots organizing using social media to influence policy makers at the local, state, and national levels. Perfect for courses such as: The Politics Of Education | Education Policy | Education Reform Community Organizing | Education Evaluation | Education Reform | Parents And Education
