Political succession is a key issue in the contemporary Middle East. In this new study the author examines the process and shows how respect for those in authority and tribal codes of loyalty have been far more influential in maintaining regimes than security institutions and political repression. The Arab world is faced by political turmoil and demands for reform. Many of the problems of the region are attributed to the form of leadership that dominates the area, leadership that is authoritarian and focused on regime survival rather than political change. The book highlights the ways in which family loyalties pervade political, economic and social life and how constitutions are being used to consolidate the power of ruling families in republics and monarchies. The volume explores the notion that the region’s rulers, monarchic and republican, are inclined to pass their power on to their sons, and evaluates the use they make of family and tribal networks to maintain their power. The work sees to demonstrate that despite economic and social problems, Arabs value stability and prefer an authoritarian family-based regime than government run by Islamist groups. Providing new insights into the influences on political succession in the Middle East, this work will be of great interests to scholars of Middle East studies, history and international relations.
The stability of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia remains critical to Western security and economic interests. This crucial study focuses on generation change and identifies individuals with greatest leadership potential; examines their political, social, and religious views.
The recent deaths of four long-term heads of state in the Arab world heralded important changes, as political power passed from one generation to the next. Shedding light on these changes, Arab Elites explores the attitudes and political agendas of the new leadership emerging throughout the region. A strong analytical framework informs the authors discussion of elites in Algeria, Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco, the Palestinian National Authority, Saudi Arabia, Syria, and Tunisia. The result is a portrait of the current state, and likely future, of politics in the Arab Middle East.
The Arab world is plagued by political, economic and social problems. Leadership is regarded as a fundamental cause of these problems. The region is characterised by long-serving authoritarian rulers whose efforts to preserve their dominance are blamed both for instability and the stagnation affecting the region. There is widespread agreement that political succession is the greatest structural and philosophical challenge facing the region and is at the heart of the problems of leadership. This study has analysed political succession as a political issue and from the perspective of the role of constitutions throughout the region. It has examined the degree to which constitutions are used by ruling elites to further their dynastic objectives and the extent to which political succession is itself influenced by these constitutions.
As Arab leaders play an increasingly important role on the world stage, they also face new and complex challenges at home'challenges that could affect both regional and regime stability. Power and Succession in Arab Monarchies provides an essential compendium of information regarding the politically charged issue of succession in Bahrain, Jordan, Kuwait, Morocco, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates.Based on scarce source material and a wide range of inside information, this exhaustive reference:?traces the rise of each ruling family'outlines key constitutional developments'provides details on current rulers and their approaches to succession'discusses potential contenders to powerThe appendixes supply a chronological list of rulers for each monarchy, as well as the text of decrees, private letters, and constitutional provisions related to succession.
This book examines the structure of political power amongst elites inside Saudi Arabia and how they might cope with the very serious challenge posed by succession. Presenting a new and refreshing theoretical approach that links elite integration with regime stability, the author shows that the kingdom’s royal elite is far more integrated than it has generally been given credit for. Based on extensive field work inside Saudi Arabia, the book offers a detailed, up-to-date survey and assessment of all the key sectors of the elites in the country. The author examines how the succession process has been used in highly different circumstances - including deposition, assassination, and death by old age - and demonstrates how regime stability in Saudi Arabia rests on the royal family’s ability to unite and to solve the challenge of succession. He offers a strong analysis of intra-ruling family mechanisms and dynamics in this notoriously private royal family, and addresses the question of whether, as the number of royals rapidly grows, the elite is able to remain integrated. Providing a rare insight into the issues facing the royal family and ruling elite in Saudi Arabia, this book will be of great interest to scholars and students of Middle Eastern politics, and Saudi Arabia in particular.
The United States'' relationship with Saudi Arabia has been one of the cornerstones of U.S. policy in the Middle East for decades. Despite their substantial differences in history, culture, and governance, the two countries have generally agreed on important political and economic issues and have often relied on each other to secure mutual aims. The 1990-91 Gulf War is perhaps the most obvious example, but their ongoing cooperation on maintaining regional stability, moderating the global oil market, and pursuing terrorists should not be downplayed. Yet for all the relationship''s importance, it is increasingly imperiled by mistrust and misunderstanding. One major question is Saudi Arabia''s stability. In this Council Special Report, sponsored by the Center for Preventive Action, F. Gregory Gause III first explores the foundations of Riyadh''s present stability and potential sources of future unrest. It is difficult not to notice that Saudi Arabia avoided significant upheaval during the political uprisings that swept the Middle East in 2011, despite sharing many of the social and economic problems of Egypt, Yemen, and Libya. But unlike their counterparts in Cairo, Sanaa, and Tripoli, Riyadh''s leadership was able to maintain order in large part by increasing public spending on housing and salaries, relying on loyal and well-equipped security forces, and utilizing its extensive patronage networks. The divisions within the political opposition also helped the government''s cause. This is not to say that Gause believes that the stability of the House of Saud is assured. He points out that the top heirs to the throne are elderly and the potential for disorderly squabbling may increase as a new generation enters the line of succession. Moreover, the population is growing quickly, and there is little reason to believe that oil will forever be able to buy social tranquility. Perhaps most important, Gause argues, the leadership''s response to the 2011 uprisings did little to forestall future crises; an opportunity for manageable political reform was mostly lost. Turning to the regional situation, Gause finds it no less complex. Saudi Arabia has wielded considerable influence with its neighbors through its vast oil reserves, its quiet financial and political support for allies, and the ideological influence of salafism, the austere interpretation of Islam that is perhaps Riyadh''s most controversial export. For all its wealth and religious influence, however, Saudi Arabia''s recent record has been less than successful. It was unable to counter Iranian influence in post-Saddam Iraq, it could not prevent Hezbollah taking power in Lebanon, and its ongoing efforts to reconcile Hamas and the Palestinian Authority have come to naught. The U.S.-Saudi relationship has, unsurprisingly, been affected by these and other challenges, including Saudi unhappiness with Washington''s decision to distance itself from Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak, the lack of progress on the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, and Iran. For its part, the United States is unhappy with the Saudi intervention in Bahrain and Saudi support for radical Islamists around the region and the world. The two traditional anchors of the U.S.-Saudi relationship-the Cold War and U.S. operation of Riyadh''s oil fields-are, Gause notes, no longer factors. It is no wonder, he contends, that the relationship is strained when problems are myriad and the old foundations of the informal alliance are gone. It would be far better, Gause argues, to acknowledge that the two countries can no longer expect to act in close concert under such conditions. He recommends that the United States reimagine the relationship as simply transactional, based on cooperation when interests-rather than habit-dictate. Prioritizing those interests will therefore be critical. Rather than pressuring Riyadh for domestic political reform, or asking it to reduce global oil prices, Gause recommends that the United States spend its political capital where it really matters: on maintaining regional security, dismantling terrorist networks, and preventing the proliferation of nuclear weapons. There have been few relationships more important to the United States than that with Saudi Arabia, and it is vital that, as it enters a new phase, the expectations and priorities of both countries are clear. In Saudi Arabia in the New Middle East, Gause effectively assesses the challenges and opportunities facing Saudi Arabia and makes a compelling argument for a more modest, businesslike relationship between Washington and Riyadh that better reflects modern realities. As the United States begins reassessing its commitments in the Greater Middle East, this report offers a clear vision for a more limited-but perhaps more appropriate and sustainable-future partnership.
In a rapidly changing world, the Arab states of the Middle East seem stuck in pre-modern forms of government--in most cases autocracies whose leaders have been in power for some time. Because Middle East ruling families are large and complex, it is difficult to determine which family member will assume power. Furthermore, something can always come along to upset what seems like a certain line of succession. Finally, it is not possible to effectively gauge the political performance of leaders in the Arab world. The author concludes that (1) the absence of democracy in the Arab world has yet to undermine the pursuit of Arab-Israel peace; (2) succession is important everywhere, not just in the Arab states; (3) the vitality and survival of unilateral peace agreements made with Israel are not necessarily lacking in public support; and (4) Arab-Israeli peace is likely to be achieved by well-established, seasoned, older leaders rather than less certain newcomers.
