This book argues that political and economic inequalities following group lines generate grievances that in turn can motivate civil war. Lars-Erik Cederman, Kristian Skrede Gleditsch, and Halvard Buhaug offer a theoretical approach that highlights ethnonationalism and how the relationship between group identities and inequalities are fundamental for successful mobilization to resort to violence. Although previous research highlighted grievances as a key motivation for political violence, contemporary research on civil war has largely dismissed grievances as irrelevant, emphasizing instead the role of opportunities. This book shows that the alleged non-results for grievances in previous research stemmed primarily from atheoretical measures, typically based on individual data. The authors develop new indicators of political and economic exclusion at the group level, and show that these exert strong effects on the risk of civil war. They provide new analyses of the effects of transnational ethnic links and the duration of civil wars, and extended case discussions illustrating causal mechanisms.
International organizations have come to play a central role in world politics. The authors present a major new attempt to explain the difference - and the similarities - between them, as well as their crucial role
Since the financial crisis of 2008 and the global popular protests of 2011, more people have begun to wonder and speculate: what’s next for civilization? The economic, social, and political status quo seems unsustainable, but what can emerge to take its place? In this book, a historian examines the past and present to argue that the seeds of a more humane society are already being planted, on local and international scales. Whether they will bear fruit depends, ultimately, on grassroots initiative. Focusing on the new worker cooperative movement in the West, this study not only contains the first systematic discussion of the solidarity economy in the light of Marxist theory; it also introduces a major revision of Marxism that both updates it for the twenty-first century and illuminates our historical moment. It includes an analysis of the history of cooperatives in the U.S., showing where they went wrong and how we can correct their past mistakes. It has a case-study of the successful new worker-owned business New Era Windows in Chicago, which has been celebrated internationally for its defiance of conventional paradigms. And it shows a way out of the age-old conflict between Marxism and anarchism, arguing that both are more relevant now than they have ever been. Which is to say: a gradualist “revolution” is, for the first time, within the realm of possibility.
When NAFTA went into effect in 1994, many feared it would intensify animosity among North American unions, lead to the scapegoating of Mexican workers and immigrants, and eclipse any possibility for cross-border labor cooperation. But far from polarizing workers, NAFTA unexpectedly helped stimulate labor transnationalism among key North American unions and erode union policies and discourses rooted in racism. The emergence of labor transnationalism in North America presents compelling political and sociological puzzles: how did NAFTA, the concrete manifestation of globalization processes in North America, help deepen labor solidarity on the continent? In addition to making the provocative argument that global governance institutions can play a pivotal role in the development of transnational social movements, this book suggests that globalization need not undermine labor movements: collectively, unions can help shape how the rules governing the global economy are made.
These essays include theoretical analyses by Richard Falk, Jack Donnelly and James Rosenau. Chapters on sex tourism, international markets and communications technology bring fresh perspectives to emerging issues. The authors investigate places such as the Dominican Republic, Nigeria and the Philippines.
Studying the case of Latin American cinema, this book analyzes one of the most public - and most exportable- forms of postcolonial national culture to argue that millennial era globalization demands entirely new frameworks for thinking about the relationship between politics, culture, and economic policies. Concerns that globalization would bring the downfall of national culture were common in the 1990s as economies across the globe began implementing neoliberal, free market policies and abolishing state protections for culture industries. Simultaneously, new technologies and the increased mobility of people and information caused others to see globalization as an era of heightened connectivity and progressive contact. Twenty-five years later, we are now able to examine the actual impact of globalization on local and regional cultures, especially those of postcolonial societies. Tracing the full life-cycle of films and studying blockbusters like City of God, Motorcycle Diaries, and Children of Men this book argues that neoliberal globalization has created a highly ambivalent space for cultural expression, one willing to market against itself as long as the stories sell. The result is an innovative and ground-breaking text suited to scholars interested in globalization studies, Latin-American studies and film studies.
Unlike political or economic institutions, social movements have an elusive power, but one that is no less real. From the French and American revolutions through the democratic and workers' movements of the nineteenth century to the totalitarian movements of today, movements exercise a fleeting but powerful influence on politics and society. This study surveys the history of the social movement, puts forward a theory of collective action to explain its surges and declines, and offers an interpretation of the power of movement that emphasises its effects on personal lives, policy reforms and political culture. While covering cultural, organisational and personal sources of movements' power, the book emphasises the rise and fall of social movements as part of political struggle and as the outcome of changes in political opportunity structure.
We’re pleased to welcome you to the Department of Political Science at the University of Bari “Aldo Moro” for the 7th Migration Conference. The conference is the largest scholarly gathering on migration with a global scope. Human mobility, economics, work, employment, integration, insecurity, diversity and minorities, as well as spatial patterns, culture, arts and legal and political aspects appear to be key areas in the current migration debates and research. Throughout the program of the Migration Conference you will find various key thematic areas covered in 598 presentations by 767 contributors coming from all around the world, from Australia to Canada, China to Colombia, Brazil to Korea, and South Africa to Norway. We are proud to bring together experts from universities, independent research organisations, governments, NGOs and the media. We are also proud to bring you opportunities to meet with some of the leading scholars in the field. This year invited speakers include Fiona B. Adamson, Markus Kotzur, Philip L. Martin, Karsten Paerregaard, Ferruccio Pastore, Martin Ruhs, Jeffrey H. Cohen, and Carlos Vargas Silva. Although the main language of the conference is English, this year we will have linguistic diversity as usual and there will be presentations in French, Italian, Spanish and Turkish. We have maintained over the years a frank and friendly environment where constructive criticism foster scholarship, while being nice improves networks and quality of the event. We hope to continue with this tradition and you will enjoy the Conference and Bari during your stay. We thank all participants, invited speakers and conference committees for their efforts and contribution. We also thank many colleagues who were interested in and submitted abstracts but could not make it this year. We are particularly grateful to hundreds of colleagues who served as reviewers and helped the selection process. We also thank to those colleagues who organised panels and agreed to chair parallel sessions over three days. We reserve our final thanks to the team of volunteers whose contributions have been essential to the success of the conference. In this regard, special thanks are reserved for our volunteers and team leaders Rosa, Alda, Franco, and Aldo from the University of Bari, Tuncay and Fatma from Regent’s University London, Fethiye from Namik Kemal University and Vildan from Galatasaray University, Ege from Middle East Technical University, Mehari from Regent’s University London, and Gizem from Transnational Press London. Our final thanks are reserved for the leaders of the University of Bari “Aldo Moro” and the Department of Political Science, President of Puglia Regional Administration and Mayor of City of Bari for hosting the Conference and for their generous support in enriching the Conference programme. Please do not hesitate to get in touch with us through the conference email ([email protected]). Ibrahim Sirkeci and Michela C. Pellicani The Migration Conference Chairs The Migration Conference 2019 The Migration Conference is a global venue for academics, policy makers, practitioners, students and everybody who is interested in intelligent debate and research informed discussions on human mobility and its impacts around the world. The Migration Conference 2019 is the 7th conference in the series and co-organised and hosted by the University of Bari “Aldo Moro”, Italy and Transnational Press London. The Migration Conferences were launched at the Regent’s Centre for Transnational Studies in 2012 when the first large scale well attended international peer-reviewed conference with a focus on Turkish migration in Europe in Regent’s Park campus of Regent’s University London. The migration conferences have been attended by thousands of participants coming from all around the world in London (2012), London (2014), Prague (2015), Vienna (2016), Athens (2017), Lisbon (2018), and Bari (2019).
This book, the 32nd volume in the Canada Among Nations series, looks to the wide array of foreign policy challenges, choices and priorities that Canada confronts in relations with the US where the line between international and domestic affairs is increasingly blurred. In the context of the Canada-US relationship, this blurring is manifest as a cooperative effort by officials to manage aspects of the relationship in which bilateral institutional cooperation goes on largely unnoticed. Chapters in this volume focus on longstanding issues reflecting some degree of Canada-US coordination, if not integration, such as trade, the environment and energy. Other chapters focus on emerging issues such as drug policies, energy, corruption and immigration within the context of these institutional arrangements.
Prior to May 2015, the oil-rich jurisdiction of Alberta had, for over four decades, been a one-party state. During that time, the rule of the Progressive Conservatives essentially went unchallenged, with critiques of government policy falling on deaf ears and Alberta ranking behind other provinces in voter turnout. Given the province's economic reliance on oil revenues, a symbiotic relationship also developed between government and the oil industry. Cross-national studies have detected a correlation between oil-dependent economies and authoritarian rule, a pattern particularly evident in Africa and the Middle East. Alberta Oil and the Decline of Democracy in Canada sets out to test the "oil inhibits democracy" hypothesis in the context of an industrialized nation in the Global North. In probing the impact of Alberta's powerful oil lobby on the health of democracy in the province, contributors to the volume engage with an ongoing discussion of the erosion of political liberalism in the West. In addition to examining energy policy and issues of government accountability in Alberta, they explore the ramifications of oil dependence in areas such as Aboriginal rights, environmental policy, labour law, women's equity, urban social policy, and the arts. If, as they argue, reliance on oil has weakened democratic structures in Alberta, then what of Canada as whole, where the short-term priorities of the oil industry continue to shape federal policy? The findings in this book suggest that, to revitalize democracy, provincial and federal leaders alike must find the courage to curb the influence of the oil industry on governance.
