The current drug trafficking crisis between the US and Mexico is a "perfect storm" that has caused deaths, disappearances, and widespread fear of violence and insecurity in the border area between these two countries. Current US drug control policies with Mexico are based on a militarized system of border control and characterized by domestic gridl
Este libro constituye una valiosa aportación para la investigación y la práctica sobre análisis y resolución de conflictos desde una perspectiva narrativa. Se basa en tres ideas fundamentales: la teoría narrativa crítica, la teoría de la transformación narrativa y la ética estética. El objetivo que la autora propone, en un proceso de la resolución de conflictos, es el paso desde una narrativa conflictiva (conflict story) hacia una historia mejor construida (better-formed story), a través de la consecución de momentos críticos (critical moments) y giros (turning points), tomando en cuenta la propia subjetividad y el testimonio de sufrimiento del Otro, así como dándoles voz y teniendo en cuenta el espacio donde se haga el proceso. Por lo tanto, el libro de Sara Cobb proporciona bases filosóficas sólidas para la resolución de conflictos a nivel local, nacional e internacional. Retoma autores como: Arendt, Levinas, Rancière, Foucault, Ricoeur, Lyotard y Derrida, entre otros.
The public authorities have not successfully resolved the management of the traumatic memory of the wars, dictatorships and massacres to which the European project was always intended to be a counterpoint. The conflict of memories and the public discourses about the past are latent on ideological, political and cultural levels. However, if in the past the conflict concerning memories tended to develop inside the borders of countries, it has now leapt into the European arena. This has also led to the confrontation and questioning of the great narratives established in the common memory, especially with countries of the East joining the European Union. Each community, group or nation maintains common memories that do not always fit in or converge with a general overall account. The origins of the UB Solidarity Foundation’s European Observatory on Memories lie in these debates, and through this book — which includes the contributions of specialists in multiple disciplines and the speeches that were given at the first international symposium, “Memory and Power: A Transnational Perspective” — it hopes to present some of the key challenges that this conflict of memories has in store for us in the present and in the future.
Most recent works about the efforts of local communities caught up in a civil war have focused on their efforts to remain places of security and safety from the violence that surrounds them—neutral peace communities or zones. This book, in contrast, focuses on local peace communities facing new challenges and opportunities once a peace agreement has been signed at the national level, such as those in South Africa, the Philippines, Burundi, East Timor, Sierra Leone, and the present peace process in Colombia between the FARC and the Colombian Government. The communities’ task is to make a stable and durable peace in the aftermath of a violent civil war and a deal on which local people have usually had little or no influence. Such agreements seek to involve them in both short and longer term peace-building, and expect local communities to cope with problems of armed ex-combatants, IDPs and refugees, law and order in the absence of much state presence, high unemployment and the need for widespread and massive reconstruction of physical infrastructure damaged or destroyed during the war. How local communities have coped with the demands of “peace” is thus the theme that runs through each of these individual chapters, written by authors with direct experience of grassroots communities struggling with such “problems of peace.”
In this volume, Latin Americanist scholars explore the recent evidence relating to the ways in which partial state failure in the continent is interacting with new types of organized violence, thereby undermining the process of democratic consolidation that has characterized Latin America over the past two decades. This 'new violence' stems - as this book's case studies from Colombia, Peru, Argentina, Venezuela, Brazil and other countries, including El Salvador, show - from a heterogeneous variety of social actors including drug mafias, peasant militias and urban gangs (collectively referred to as actores armadas), as well as state-related actors like the police, military intelligence agencies and paramilitary forces. These armed actors are reproducing organized social and political violence beyond the confines of democratic politics and civil society. The results, as the authors warn, include both 'governance voids' - domains where the legitimate state is effectively absent in the face of armed actors prevailing by force - and an erosion of the capacity and willingness of state officials themselves to abide by the rule of law. These tendencies, in turn, pave the way for a possible reinstallation of authoritarian regimes under the control of politicized armies or, at the very least, the spread of state violence in one form or another. Why these tendencies need to be taken so seriously is, the authors argue, because of the deeper social roots underlying them - notably the failure of neoliberal economic policies and weakened state structures to deliver the jobs, standards of living and social services every democratic citizenry has a right to expect. The Argentinian collapse and persistent Colombian and Venezuelan crises receive special attention in this regard.
Los adolescentes olvidan sus juguetes infantiles para vérselas con una nueva pareja: su cuerpo sexualizado que les produce extrañeza y los inquieta. Es allí donde la tentación del bullying aparece como una falsa salida: manipular el cuerpo del otro bajo formas diversas (ninguneo, agresión, exclusión, injuria) les permite poner a resguardo el suyo. Para eso hay que designar un chivo expiatorio y golpear y destruir esa diferencia que se le imputa a la víctima y que deviene, para algunos, insoportable porque confronta a cada uno con la asunción de su sexualidad y con encontrar un lugar en ese nuevo mundo que sucede a la adolescencia. Abordar el acoso implica acompañar a esos adolescentes en su delicado tránsito.
Sponsored by the Communication, Information Technologies, and Media Sociology section of the American Sociological Association (CITAMS),this volume in Emerald Studies in Media and Communications features social science research on criminality, policing, and mass media in the digital age.
Citizens in Latin American cities live in constant fear, amidst some of the most dangerous conditions on earth. In that vast region, 140 thousand people die violently each year, and one out of three citizens have been directly or indirectly victimized by violence. Citizens of Fear, in part, assembles survey results of social scientists who document the pervasiveness of violence. But the numbers tell only part of the story.
Politicians enact three main roles in political discourse - narrator, interlocutor and character - to achieve specific goals. This book explains these roles and how they constitute discursive strategies, correlating with political aims. In short: politicians evoke voices in discourse to strategically position themselves in relation to social actors and events. The book describes these strategies and analyzes the manner in which they are employed by three very different politicians - Fidel Castro, Hugo Chavez and George W. Bush. The roles are studied cross-culturally and from different ideological backgrounds. This book explains how political ideologies are constructed, defined and redefined by linguistic means, showing specific ways in which politicians manipulate language to achieve the goals on their political agenda. It applies new methodological approaches to the analysis of political discourse and also contributes to the sparse literature on political discourse analysis of Spanish-speaking politicians.
The new means and methods of warfare challenge the law of armed conflict. For this reason, a deep legal and operational study was required to detect the existing gaps and deregulation.
