This title was first published in 2003. In this study Ricardo Gomez traces the origins of the external Mediterranean policy of the European Union (EU) and examines in detail the negotiations that shaped the policy and its impact. Combining historical analysis with case studies of the Euro-Med partnership initiative, EU policy on Algeria and the EU's involvement in the Middle East peace process, he covers a diverse array of issues that will appeal to scholars across a variety of sub-disciplines of political science and international relations.
Del Sarto argues that internal disputes over national identity limit the ability of states to participate in regional forums. This is a close look at problems faced in negotiating the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) as a regional security project, with particular attention to case studies of Israel, Egypt and Morocco.
Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- List of Tables and Figures -- Acknowledgements -- List of Abbreviations -- 1 European Union Foreign Policy and the Concept of Strategic Action -- 2 A Brief History of EU Mediterranean Policy -- 3 Old Wine in New Bottles? The Renovated Mediterranean Policy and the Euro-Mediterranean Agreements -- 4 The Barcelona Process -- 5 The Politics of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership Theory and Practice -- 6 Influence Without Power? The EU and the Middle East Peace Process -- 7 The EU and the Algeria Crisis -- 8 Conclusions -- Bibliography -- Index
This collective volume draws on the themes of intersectionality and overlapping policy universes to examine and evaluate the shifting functions, frames and multiple actors and instruments of an ongoing and revitalized cooperation in EU external migration and asylum policies with third states. The contributions are based on problem-driven research and seek to develop bottom-up, policy-oriented solutions, while taking into account global, EU-based and local perspectives, and the shifting universes of EU migration, border and asylum policies. In 15 chapters, we explore the multifaceted dimensions of the EU external migration policy and its evolution in the post-crisis, geopolitical environment of the Global Compacts.
Although most Arab countries have endorsed the European Union's proposal for an Euro-Mediterranean Partnership in principle, they also harbor serious reservations about its conceptual and security aspects and its future impact on their economies and on the peace process in the Middle East. The main concern is that the Euro-Mediterranean Free Trade Zone and its related rules of socio-economic conduct would expose fragile Arab industries to strong external competition and destroy indigenous enterprise. As long as the EU continues to follow a one-sided approach, with differential treatment for Israeli and Arab partners, the Arabs will continue to be ambivalent partners in the Barcelona process. This is evident from the cases of Tunisia and Morocco, which have signed partnership agreements with the EU but are now expressing serious doubts about the viability of the process. Further, the EU's concept of politico-security cooperation is geared toward conflict prevention, crisis management, and the introduction of CBMs, rather than on conflict resolution and the establishment of a balanced strategic system in the Mediterranean. The EU's responses to these Arab perceptions and misgivings will decide the future success of the EMP. It may be concluded that if the EU persists in its self-centered approach to Euro-Mediterranean cooperation, the EMP project is unlikely to materialize. This is particularly applicable to the economic partnership, which must be based on technology transfer and infrastructure support rather than trade liberalization, and to the security partnership, which should focus on conflict resolution and strategic balance rather than on maintaining the status quo.
Established in 1995, the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership aims to create a free trade area including 30 countries and 800 million people by early in the 21st century. This book offers an assessment of the Partnership and its aims.
This book is a historical document, a disputed analysis and evidence of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership as introduced by the Barcelona Declaration. It is an account of the unprecedented and unrivalled negotiations between the Euro-Mediterranean partners and an evaluation of their achievements. It is also an account of the obstacles faced in the transformation of the Euro-Mediterranean region into one of peace, security, stability and prosperity to ensure the realisation of a just and comprehensive peace in the Middle East on the basis of the international terms of reference, democratic principles, the establishment of a free trade zone, a market economy system and the participation of civil society. The book addresses several questions which aim to determine whether the Partnership is an extension of the crusades and the Balfour Declaration, the result of international transformations, a reflection of diversity, or a real threat to the security, economy and culture of the Arab world, aimed at Arab identity and the perpetration of division amongst the Arab world through the creation of a multinational regional system identified as the Western model for an Eastern-Mediterranean system that will ensure the integration of Israel and the creation of a separate phase of rupture and alienation within the history of Arab civilisation. Similarly, this book argues whether the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, globalisation, imperialist alliances and civil society are multiple manifestations of a single phenomenon to insure Western supremacy and strategic expansion, and the exploitation of the Mediterranean region. Or, whether the Partnership is the strategic Arab-European choice needed at this particular moment in history in order to galvanise an effective European political and economic role in the development, and economic, technological and civil evolution of the Arab world.
The Euro-Mediterranean Partnership Initiative, launched by the Barcelona Conference in 1995, is the most ambitious project to date directed at comprehensive prosperity and security in the Mediterranean region. Yet the assumptions on which it is based are untried and untested. This study seeks to analyse what they are and to draw some conclusions as to the potential of the Initiative for success by comparing it with other experiences of regional develoment.
This book provides an in-depth analysis of EU-Tunisia negotiations during the last three decades to understand what ‘joint ownership’ means in Euro-Mediterranean relations. The principle of joint ownership often figures in the EU’s public discourse of the EU and other international actors. Yet, it has been scarcely conceptualised and there is little research on which factors determine its presence or lack thereof. The book contributes to its definition, highlighting its evolving nature and intersubjective dimension. The author further explains how bargaining rules, practices, and procedures affect joint ownership by constraining or empowering actors, and shaping their expectations about which options they perceive are possible during the negotiations. Negotiation analysis proves useful for showing how, and to what extent, the interests of both sides eventually feature in Euro-Mediterranean agreements and enables scholars to bring back third countries' agency and perceptions into the study of the EU's external relations.
