This monograph examines the conflicts in the Middle East region between Saudi Arabia and Iran and the so-called proxy wars that are being fought between them, and discusses ways that the United States needs to maneuver carefully in this struggle to preserve its long-term interests in the area. Although Washington has political, economic, and strategic equities with Riyadh, it needs to think carefully about being perceived as engaging in sectarian strife that would alienate Shia allies in Iraq, show bias in its human rights policy, and anger millions of Iranian young people who want better relations with the United States.
Iranian-Saudi tensions are at their worst level in decades. Not only are diplomatic relations broken, but also the two countries are involved in several proxy wars in the region. The United States has sided with Saudi Arabia in these disputes largely because of longstanding strategic ties to Riyadh and because it sees Iran as a regional threat and a destabilizing force in the area. However, pursuing a one-sided policy in this rivalry carries long-term risks for Washington, because the close embrace of Saudi Arabia's problematic external and internal policies, such as the war in Yemen, denigration of Shia doctrines, and human rights problems, may have an ill effect against the United States. The one-sided policy can also alienate the younger generation of Iranians who want better relations with the United States and are Iran's future. Hence, this monograph argues that U.S. policymakers should maneuver with more dexterity through the Iranian-Saudi rivalry, avoid entanglements in the Sunni-Shia sectarian conflict, and keep their eye on long-term U.S. interests, which involve bringing about stability in the region.The monograph recommends that U.S. policymakers should devote sufficient time and resources to end the proxy wars in the region, as a first step toward easing Saudi-Iranian tensions. It also recommends the facilitation of dialogue between Saudi Arabia and Iran to air grievances, and come to some common ground such as non-interference in each other's internal affairs. Although the current environment may not seem conducive to such a dialogue, it should be remembered that relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia were not always acrimonious, and the two countries have cooperated in the past. To assuage Saudi concerns that such a policy might be perceived as a U.S. tilt toward Iran, the monograph recommends more joint military exercises between the U.S. and Saudi Arabia militaries as well as the deployment of U.S. Army's Stability Force Assistance Brigades (SFAB) to the Saudi kingdom for training and defensive purposes.
Relying on a rich cache of previously classified notes, transcripts, cables, policy briefs, and memoranda, Andrew Cooper explains how oil drove, even corrupted, American foreign policy during a time when Cold War imperatives still applied, and tells why in the 1970s the U.S. switched its Middle East allegiance from the Shah of Iran to the Saudi royal family. Amid the oil shocks of the early 1970s, there was one man the U.S. could rely on: the Shah of Iran. The Shah sold us oil; we sold him weapons. But the U.S. and other industrialized economies could not tolerate repeated annual double digit increases in oil prices. During the 1976 election campaign, President Gerald Ford decided that he had to find a country that would break the OPEC monopoly and sell the U.S. oil more cheaply. On the advice of Treasury Secretary William Simon -- and against the advice of Secretary of State Henry Kissinger -- Ford made a deal to sell advanced weaponry to the Saudis in exchange for a more moderate price hike in oil. The Shah's economy was destabilized, and disaffected elements mobilized to overthrow him. The U.S. had embarked on a long relationship with the autocratic Saudi kingdom that continues to this day.
The evolution of Saudi Arabia's diplomacy since 1945 highlights its strategic adjustments in response to regional and global changes, focusing on economic diversification, energy leadership, and cultural diplomacy under Vision 2030. The study is primarily grounded in the multi-dimensional nature of addressing various geopolitical and socio-economic challenges. It encompasses several key approaches and analyses, including the critique of anti-terror policies and their implications for civil liberties, the influence of public opinion polling on international policy and diplomatic engagements, the evolving nature of military stances in response to new global threats, the promotion of cultural and educational exchanges through Arabic language centers and Islamic cultural institutes, the optimization of defense policies and force structures to address modern warfare challenges, and the navigation of jurisdictional complexities in international trade. Key Takeaways Saudi Arabia's diplomatic strategies have evolved significantly since 1945, incorporating economic diversification and modernization efforts as outlined in Vision 2030. The nation's role as a leading oil producer and its leadership in OPEC have been central to its global influence, necessitating adaptation to changing energy markets and sustainability concerns. Emphasis on cultural diplomacy and soft power, including educational reforms, cultural festivals, and media initiatives, has enhanced Saudi Arabia's global image. Vision 2030 has driven substantial social reforms, particularly in empowering women and promoting inclusivity in the workforce, reflecting broader societal shifts. Saudi Arabia's proactive stance in regional stability, evidenced by its involvement in Yemeni and Gulf conflicts, underscores its commitment to security and humanitarian efforts. The Kingdom's alignment with international treaties and adaptation to global legal challenges highlight its efforts to uphold global standards while maintaining national interests. Strategic military modernization and defense planning remain pivotal as Saudi Arabia navigates new geopolitical challenges and partnerships, focusing on regional stability and security.
The Oxford Handbook of Contemporary Middle-Eastern and North African History critically examines the defining processes and structures of historical developments in North Africa and the Middle East over the past two centuries. The Handbook pays particular attention to countries that have leapt out of the political shadows of dominant and better-studied neighbours in the course of the unfolding uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa. These dramatic and interconnected developments have exposed the dearth of informative analysis available in surveys and textbooks, particularly on Tunisia, Libya, Yemen, Bahrain and Syria.
This book offers insight into the motives behind Moscow’s behaviour in the Persian Gulf (with a specific focus on the GCC member states and Iran), considering Russia’s growing role in the Middle East and its desire to protect national interests using a wide range of means. The book explores the drivers and motivations of the Russian foreign policy in the Gulf region, thus, helping the audience to generate informed prognosis about Moscow’s moves in this area over the next years. In contrast to most studies of Russia’s presence in the region, this book considers the Russian involvement in the Gulf from two standpoints – the Russian and foreign. The idea of the book is to take several key problems of Moscow’s presence in the Gulf, each of these to be covered by two authors—Russian and non-Russian scholars, in order to offer the readers alternative visions of Moscow’s policies towards Iran and the GCC countries
This book examines domestic and regional geopolitical dynamics behind Turkish-Qatari relations from the past to the present. Utilizing arguments of practical geopolitical reasoning, Özgür Pala and Khaled Al-Jaber situate their analysis of evolving relations in the contexts of Ottoman-British geopolitical rivalry in the Persian Gulf, the Turkish Republic’s fluctuating relations with the Middle East until the 2000s, the AKP governments’ opening to the region and finally the Arab Spring and its aftermath. Contextualizing the trajectory of Turkish-Qatari relations within the larger Middle East and the Gulf Arab region, the authors argue that material interests and identity politics have generally determined relations until the turn of the millennium. Under Erdogan and Sheikh Hamad’s assertive leadership and ambitious foreign policy, Turkey and Qatar came to witness various foreign policy convergences on critically important regional issues. Pala and Al-Jaber argue that these convergences, coupled with their geopolitical and security goals, facilitated a political alignment between Ankara and Doha throughout the Arab Spring. They argue that despite facing major geopolitical setbacks, Turkey and Qatar were able to chart a much deeper cooperation, which later evolved into a strategic partnership in various areas.
The United States faces major challenges in dealing with Iran, the threat of terrorism, and the tide of political instability in the Arabian Peninsula. The presence of some of the world’s largest reserves of oil and natural gas, vital shipping lanes, and Shia populations throughout the region have made the peninsula the focal point of US and Iranian strategic competition. Moreover, large youth populations, high unemployment rates, and political systems with highly centralized power bases have posed other economic, political, and security challenges that the Gulf states must address and that the United States must take into consideration when forming strategy and policy.
