Professor Das provides a fascinating study on the issue of ethnic politics in multi-ethnic Third World countries and the non-convergence of state and nation in this discussion of the Kashmir and Sindh questions. The artificial de-colonization process in the South Asian sub-continent resulted in the construction of national frontiers for its two successor states that did not rest on a synchronization of ethnic and state boundaries. Consequently, cross-border loyalties amongst significant sections of the population survived the boundaries imposed between the two successor states. When in the context of centralizing nation-building strategies ethnic political assertions occur in outlying or frontier areas of these nation-states, the distinction between domestic and external affairs, or between home and foreign politics, tends to lose its significance in the traditional sense. Political actors from across the borders of neighbouring state can then deny the marks of their different objective nationalities and treat themselves as members of a single 'loyalty group'. Thus, ethnic politics transcends its domestic contours and helps foment regional tensions. In such circumstances, ethnic assertions tend to constitute vital local or domestic ingredients that define the national security priorities within a particular region. The current insurrection in Kashmir and turmoil in Sindh superbly demonstrate this pattern.
This book uses an innovative people-centered approach to the Kashmir problem to shed new light on why postcolonial partitions remain unfinished and why the wounds of postcolonial nation-state formation in South Asia continue to fester. "Kashmir" is viewed as a metaphor for the permanent internal wars of partition that mark the South Asian experience. Chapters sensitively bring Kashmiri voices to the fore to examine Kashmir in the national discourses of India and Pakistan, resistance in the Kashmiri imagination and the Kashmir conflict in a global context. The book foregrounds how the space of Kashmir as a cultural, historical and political sphere persists and continues to haunt the postcolonial national present as the people of Kashmir and their cultural, literary and artistic productions cannot be contained within the regnant paradigms of the nations across which the region is partitioned. Additionally, the book explores how long-term resolution would demand engagement with historical forces, political actors and social formations that exceed the nation-state. An important contribution to the study of this troubled region, this book will be of interest to academics and researchers of modern South Asian history and politics as well as comparative politics and international relations.
Why has the valley of Kashmir, famed for its beauty and tranquillity, become a major flashpoint, threatening the stability of a region of great strategic importance and challenging the integrity of the Indian state? This book examines the Kashmir conflict in its historical context, from the period when the valley was an independent kingdom right up to the struggles of the present day. Located on the borders of China, Central Asia and the Sub-Continent, the insurgency in the valley has also created serious tensions between India and Pakistan. Drawing upon research in India and Pakistan, as well as historical sources, this book traces the origins of the state in the 19th century and the controversial "sale" by the British of the predominantly Muslim valley to a Hindu Maharaja in 1846. Through an exploration of the implications for Kashmir of independence in 1947, it gives a critical account of why, for Kashmir, self-determination may seem a more attractive option than affiliation to a larger multi-racial whole.
This work examines the long-standing conflict between India and Pakistan over Kashmir, exploring the issues from the perpsectives of all the actors involved. The contributors reevaluate the Kashmir problem in the context of the revival of the dispute in 1990 and as an outgrowth of the politics of integration and separatism in South Asia since the p
Former American President Bill Clinton Referred To Kashmir As The Most Dangerous Place On Earth. In 1999 Nuclear-Armed Powers India And Pakistan Fought A War Over Kashmir, And Again In 2002 They Came Close To Another. The Kashmir Dispute Represents One Of The World S Oldest And Most Intractable Conflicts, Having Befuddled Policymakers Since The Partition Of The Subcontinent In 1947. Author Arvin Bahl Attempts To Analyze This Conflict In The Context Of International Relations Theory, Drawing On A Variety Of Sources, Including Interviews With Leading Figures Of The Indian And Pakistani Establishments.Bahl Argues That The Question Of The Kashmir Dispute Is Really The Question Of Why The Liberation Of The Kashmir Valley From Indian Rule Has Been A Foremost Pakistani National Interest Since The Partition. Realism, The Dominant Theory Of International Relations, Argues That Regardless Of Era, Region, Ideology Or Domestic Politics, States Will Behave In The Same Ways When Faced With Similar Situations In The International System, Namely They Will Try To Maximize The State S Interests. Yet, Pakistan S Quest For Control Of The Kashmir Valley Represents A Case In Which A Country S Foreign Policy Cannot Be Explained By Realism, And Realism S Main Assumption Of The State As A Rational Actor Appears To Be Violated. The Kashmir Valley Has Little Strategic Importance To Pakistan, Pakistan Has Almost No Chance Of Obtaining It Against A Much Stronger Power That Dismembered It In A Previous War And Its Economy Is Being Destroyed By Military Confrontation With India, Which Also Threatens Its Security.This Study Attempts To Explain The Puzzle Of Pakistan S Seemingly Irrational Policy Behavior On Kashmir By Developing A Framework Combining Liberal And Constructivist Approaches. Constructivists Emphasize The Importance Of Ideas, Ideologies And Identities When Observing How States Behave. The Ideology That Pakistan Was Founded On, The Two-Nation Theory, Makes Ending Indian Rule Over The Kashmir Valley Of Utmost National Interest. For Pakistan To Concede That A Muslim Majority Region That Is Contiguous With It Can Be A Part Of India Would Be For Pakistan To Accept That There Was No Need For The Partition Of The Subcontinent Along Religious Lines And The Creation Of Pakistan In The First Place.Liberals Focus On Understanding Domestic Politics In Order To Understand A Country S Actions In The International System. The Pakistani Military, The Country S Most Powerful Institution Since Its Formation, Has Used The Conflict With India To Bring About And Legitimize Its Dominance Of The Country.South Asia Gained Prominence In American Foreign Policy After The 9/11 Attacks And The Standoff That Ensued Between India And Pakistan In Early 2002. Thus, This Study Concludes With Policy Recommendations, Primarily To American Policymakers, For Dealing With Pakistan And Kashmir Based On The Analysis Developed In The Preceding Chapters.This Book, We Hope, Is An Eye-Opener For All General Readers. It Will Be Found Immensely Useful And Informative By Students, Researchers And Teachers Of History, Political Science, International Relations And South Asian Studies.
Kashmir dispute has to be seen as human issue, and not as a territorial gain, or a strategic advantage. Like anyone else, I have no solution to this dispute that could be acceptable to all concerned, but I know what is not workable and what will not provide much desired peace and stability in the region: and that is division of the State or its accession to any country. Kashmir dispute should not be used to settle score of the past tragedies or past adventures, for example, to avenge problems of 1965, 1971, 1980s, proxy war or Kargil adventure. Also Kashmir should not be used as a battleground for competing political and religious ideologies, as it is happening on both sides of the divide. Jammu and Kashmir is a multi-religious and multi ethnic former Princely State. All citizens of Jammu and Kashmir - Pundits, Sikhs, Buddhists, Shias, Ismahilies, pro Pakistan, pro India and pro- independence, and others must have equal rights; and we must not target any community for their beliefs. We must put the past behind us and make a new start by inviting pundits and others who were uprooted from their homes because of political, communal and armed conflict back in to their homes and compensate their losses. We must build bridges of confidence and make sincere endeavours to eradicate extremism, violence, religious intolerance and hatred. However, if these war mongers and fanatics are not brought under control then my fear is that they will endanger peace, stability and future of the entire region. So time is running out, and those in position to take appropriate action, must act and act soon.
This book investigates the factors that led to the breakdown of democracy and the rise of violent separatism in Jammu and Kashmir in the 1980s, and how the risk of a large-scale war has grown in South Asia in the 1990s. Solutions to this conflict need to be based on knowledge about what caused it as well as perspectives on why this conflict is so particularly dangerous. Widmalm offers answers in this book, with systematic comparisons over time to establish the causes of the conflict. He refutes the contention that ethnic factors are the main cause, while acknowledging that ethnic dividing lines are salient features of the conflict today. Interviews with representatives of the Indian government, the ISI in Pakistan and separatist leaders in Jammu and Kashmir are also incorporated.
Solving Kashmir is a treatise on the Kashmir imbroglio that gives a deep insight into the myriad facets of the dispute in the State of JandK. It brings into focus the historical perspective, the geo-strategic and geo-political imperatives, as also the interests of the world powers and other regional players especially Pakistan and to an extent China. This vital piece of real estate located in the under belly of the CARS and Russia gives access to Tibet, Afghanistan and Pakistan. JandK is strategically significant to India's existence as a nation. Historically, Kashmir has been an important gateway for marauders entering the country. Losing control of JandK would open up the floodgates again. Kashmir gives India access to the strategically significant countries around JandK. It is our jewel in the crown. The main players in the dispute namely, India and Pakistan have gone to war four times over the issue with Pakistan enduring humiliating defeats, including its partition with the creation of Bangladesh. Having failed in its conventional attempts to wrest Kashmir and still in search of its identity, Pakistan has exercised the low cost/ no cost proxy war option, exploiting the ethnic and religious sentiments of the local Kashmiris, as also drumming up support from religious fundamentalists internationally. The nuclear dimension adding to the tinder box forces the international community of nations to concentrate efforts to bring the two nations to the negotiating table and resolve the problem bilaterally in accordance with the Shimla Agreement, however, with no significant success. How long will India continue to bleed? and "Where do you go from here?" are questions that willcontinue to haunt India for years to come.
This work examines the long-standing conflict between India and Pakistan over Kashmir, exploring the issues from the perpsectives of all the actors involved. The contributors reevaluate the Kashmir problem in the context of the revival of the dispute in 1990 and as an outgrowth of the politics of integration and separatism in South Asia since the p
This text reviews terrorist activity carried out ceaselessly and systematically in one of the most otherwise alluring spots on our planet. The rise of militancy, not only in Kashmir, but also in Punjab and in India's North-East, is related also to analogous belligerency in and around the borders of Pakistan and Afghanistan. Following preliminary information on the land, people, the past and the constitutional history of Kashmir, this work focuses on the rise of political violence and its consequences, following the evolution of democracy from the period of the provisional government. While dwelling mostly on the example of Jammu and Kashmir, the study endeavours to underline once more the need for an anti-terrorist international regime.
