Nestled along the Red Sea coast, Eritrea's history is one of resilience, resistance, and resilience once more. It is a story that threads through centuries of foreign dominion, from ancient empires to European colonialism. Yet, at the dawn of the 21st century, it was a different kind of domination that gripped Eritrea--a grip not forged by foreign powers but by internal forces. In 1993, Eritrea triumphantly declared its independence from Ethiopia after a protracted and arduous struggle. The world watched with hope as a new nation, born from the sacrifices of its people, promised to uphold democratic principles and respect for human rights. It was a dream shared by countless Eritreans who yearned for a just society where their voices could be heard and their rights safeguarded.
Nestled along the Red Sea coast, Eritrea's history is one of resilience, resistance, and resilience once more. It is a story that threads through centuries of foreign dominion, from ancient empires to European colonialism. Yet, at the dawn of the 21st century, it was a different kind of domination that gripped Eritrea—a grip not forged by foreign powers but by internal forces.
I congratulate Andebrhan Welde Giorgis on his high quality and extremely informative book that has not only the merit to be an update on the political situation in Eritrea but also asks the pertinent questions on the future of his marvelous country. He does it with tact and success, based on his long experience as freedom fighter, as senior public servant, as Ambassador and his rich experience of Africa. Each country in Africa must be able to determine its own future. Freedom, responsibility, control over its destiny, and solidarity, are the key ideas of the new vision for international cooperation that will help ensure the sustainability of the development process. The urgent need to create a democratic government resonates throughout the book. Good governance, respect for human rights, principles of democracy, and rule of law are essential universal values underpinning it. Andebrhan is one of those men, visionaries, and open to dialogue, reform and change. Eritrea at a Crossroads is key to understanding the challenges facing Eritrea and Africa. It is an eye opener on a complex and little understood crisis that is festering in Africa and holding the continent back. The book provides a solid intellectual foundation to understanding the region and will give anyone who wants to build a better future for Africa a great starting point. I congratulate him on this most valuable book which finds its place among all the lovers of Africa. Louis Michel Member of European Parliament, European Commissioner for Development and Humanitarian Aid (2004-2009) and Foreign Minister of Belgium (1999-2004) Freedom fighter, scholar, central banker, diplomat, and now unhappy exile, no-one could be better placed than Andebrhan Welde Giorgis to trace Eritrea's distressing slide from triumph to tragedy. It's a harrowing story, but the author tells it comprehensively, objectively and lucidly in this excellent study. The future can be rescued, as Andebrhan makes clear, but only if the past is understood, and the present confronted -- by decent, concerned Eritreans, acting with the moral, political and economic support of the wider international community. May his voice be heard. Gareth Evans Chancellor, Australian National University; President, International Crisis Group (2000-09) and Foreign Minister of Australia (1988-96)
The major peacekeeping and stability operations of the last ten years have mostly taken place in countries that have pervasive customary justice systems, which pose significant challenges and opportunities for efforts to reestablish the rule of law. These systems are the primary, if not sole, means of dispute resolution for the majority of the population, but post-conflict practitioners and policymakers often focus primarily on constructing formal justice institutions in the Western image, as opposed to engaging existing traditional mechanisms. This book offers insight into how the rule of law community might make the leap beyond rhetorical recognition of customary justice toward a practical approach that incorporates the realities of its role in justice strategies."Customary Justice and the Rule of Law in War-Torn Societies" presents seven in-depth case studies that take a broad interdisciplinary approach to the study of the justice system. Moving beyond the narrow lens of legal analysis, the cases Mozambique, Guatemala, East Timor, Afghanistan, Liberia, Iraq, Sudan examine the larger historical, political, and social factors that shape the character and role of customary justice systems and their place in the overall justice sector. Written by resident experts, the case studies provide advice to rule of law practitioners on how to engage with customary law and suggest concrete ways policymakers can bridge the divide between formal and customary systems in both the short and long terms. Instead of focusing exclusively on ideal legal forms of regulation and integration, this study suggests a holistic and flexible palette of reform options that offers realistic improvements in light of social realities and capacity limitations. The volume highlights how customary justice systems contribute to, or detract from, stability in the immediate post-conflict period and offers an analytical framework for assessing customary justice systems that can be applied in any country. "
Scarred by decades of conflict and occupation, the craggy African nation of Eritrea has weathered the world's longest-running guerrilla war. The dogged determination that secured victory against Ethiopia, its giant neighbor, is woven into the national psyche, the product of cynical foreign interventions. Fascist Italy wanted Eritrea as the springboard for a new, racially pure Roman empire; Britain sold off its industry for scrap; the United States needed a base for its state-of-the-art spy station; and the Soviet Union used it as a pawn in a proxy war. In I Didn't Do It for You, Michela Wrong reveals the breathtaking abuses this tiny nation has suffered and, with a sharp eye for detail and a taste for the incongruous, tells the story of colonialism itself and how international power politics can play havoc with a country's destiny.
Freedom in the World, the Freedom House flagship survey whose findings have been published annually since 1972, is the standard-setting comparative assessment of global political rights and civil liberties. The survey ratings and narrative reports on 195 countries and fifteen territories are used by policymakers, the media, international corporations, civic activists, and human rights defenders to monitor trends in democracy and track improvements and setbacks in freedom worldwide. The Freedom in the World political rights and civil liberties ratings are determined through a multi-layered process of research and evaluation by a team of regional analysts and eminent scholars. The analysts used a broad range of sources of information, including foreign and domestic news reports, academic studies, nongovernmental organizations, think tanks, individual professional contacts, and visits to the region, in conducting their research. The methodology of the survey is derived in large measure from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and these standards are applied to all countries and territories, irrespective of geographical location, ethnic or religious composition, or level of economic development.
How does a newly democratized nation constructively address the past to move from a divided history to a shared future? How do people rebuild coexistence after violence? The International IDEA Handbook on Reconciliation after Violent Conflict presents a range of tools that can be, and have been, employed in the design and implementation of reconciliation processes. Most of them draw on the experience of people grappling with the problems of past violence and injustice. There is no "right answer" to the challenge of reconciliation, and so the Handbook prescribes no single approach. Instead, it presents the options and methods, with their strengths and weaknesses evaluated, so that practitioners and policy-makers can adopt or adapt them, as best suits each specific context. Also available in a French language version.
Before the 99% occupied Wall Street... Before the concept of social justice had impinged on the social conscience... Before the social safety net had even been conceived... By the turn of the 20th Century, the era of the robber barons, Andrew Carnegie (1835-1919) had already accumulated a staggeringly large fortune; he was one of the wealthiest people on the globe. He guaranteed his position as one of the wealthiest men ever when he sold his steel business to create the United States Steel Corporation. Following that sale, he spent his last 18 years, he gave away nearly 90% of his fortune to charities, foundations, and universities. His charitable efforts actually started far earlier. At the age of 33, he wrote a memo to himself, noting ..".The amassing of wealth is one of the worse species of idolatry. No idol more debasing than the worship of money." In 1881, he gave a library to his hometown of Dunfermline, Scotland. In 1889, he spelled out his belief that the rich should use their wealth to help enrich society, in an article called "The Gospel of Wealth" this book. Carnegie writes that the best way of dealing with wealth inequality is for the wealthy to redistribute their surplus means in a responsible and thoughtful manner, arguing that surplus wealth produces the greatest net benefit to society when it is administered carefully by the wealthy. He also argues against extravagance, irresponsible spending, or self-indulgence, instead promoting the administration of capital during one's lifetime toward the cause of reducing the stratification between the rich and poor. Though written more than a century ago, Carnegie's words still ring true today, urging a better, more equitable world through greater social consciousness.
