This book analyses the nearly 30 years of India–ASEAN relations from a contemporary perspective, identifies the reasons for India’s vibrant and significant relation with ASEAN and examines the cultural, economic, political and strategic linkages between India and ASEAN. The book projects the future of India–ASEAN relations in the face of the changing Indo-Pacific geopolitics and explores potential policies which could enhance the connection between India and Southeast Asian countries. Arguing that ASEAN is of primary importance to India, the book suggests that any successful outing in the Indo-Pacific would need a strong partnership with India. The book demonstrates how external powers influence ASEAN, with many of them supporting the centrality of ASEAN and its regional architecture in the broader Indo-Pacific. Chapters by experts in their fields present thematically specific analyses of political, defence, maritime and cultural aspects as well as the position of Northeast India in the India–ASEAN relations and assess the success and challenges of India’s ties with ASEAN in the context of the Look East and the Act East Policies. A reassessment of ASEAN–India relations past and present, this book will be of interest to academics and policy makers working in the field of International Relations, Asian Politics and South Asian Politics, in particular India’s Foreign Policy and Southeast Asian Politics.
In recent times, the United States, Japan and Australia have all promoted extremely similar visions of a Free and Open Indo-Pacific as the central organizing concept to guide their efforts in the region. The concept is essentially a reaffirmation of the security and economic rules-based order which was cobbled together after the Second World War — especially as it relates to freedom of the regional and global commons such as sea, air and cyberspace, and the way nations conduct economic relations. Be that as it may, the Free and Open Indo-Pacific is an updated vision of collective action to defend, strengthen and advance that order. It signals a greater acceptance by the two regional allies of the U.S. of their security burden and takes into account the realities of China’s rise and the relative decline in dominance of the U.S. There are a number of noteworthy “updates” which include: • A deliberate move from “Asia-Pacific” to “Indo-Pacific” as the primary geo-strategic and geo-economic area of interest and responsibility for the three countries; • An increased emphasis on creating and sustaining a “balance of power” in favour of the rules-based order; and • A greater emphasis on the liberal aspects of a preferred order including the importance of rule-of-law and limitations on how governments wield their power, and greater separation of political and strategic objectives on one hand with commercial activities on the other. While operationalization of the Free and Open Indo-Pacific concept is at an early stage, trilateral strategic cooperation between the U.S., Japan and Australia is significant and quickly deepening. On the other hand, and with respect to misalignment and inconsistency, the economic policies of the Trump administration are causing considerable frustration. The three countries have also been strong supporters for the revival of the Quadrilateral grouping which also includes India. However, and notwithstanding some apprehension in Southeast Asia, about where the “Quad” is heading, the latter grouping is only still a fledgling one and its shape and development will depend on the extent to which the four countries become concerned about China’s activities in both Oceans. Finally, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and its member states continue to delay any definitive response to the Free and Open Indo-Pacific concept. Although its principles are attractive to many ASEAN member states, long-held conceptions of ASEAN centrality and its meaning gives the organization apparent reason for hesitation. The reasons include fears of diminished centrality and relevance, and reluctance to endorse a more confrontational mindset being adopted by the U.S. and its allies — including the revival of the Quadrilateral grouping with India — with respect to China. The reality is that while ASEAN and major member states are focused primarily on the risks of action, there are considerable risks of inaction and hesitation. The current era will either enhance or lessen the relevance of ASEAN in the eyes of these three countries in the years ahead depending on how the organisation and its key member states respond. Indeed, the paper argues that ASEAN is more likely to be left behind by strategic events and developments if it remains passive, and that the ball is in ASEAN’s court in terms of the future of its regional “centrality”.
Zusammenfassung: This book investigates India-ASEAN partnership and their overlapping perspective on the Indo-Pacific region and big powers' contestation and competition in this region providing specific nuances and newer insights. It is policy-oriented and examines the confluence of ASEAN's Outlook for Indo-Pacific (AOIP) and India's Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative (IPOI). It brings out various contemporary geopolitical drivers that highlight the hidden complementarities and gaps in India-ASEAN multi-sectoral connectivity and its future. The book provides a balanced assessment of evolving trends, undergirded by theoretical debates and empirical analyses with diverse sub-regional and country perspectives of the intersection between the potential for regional convergence, domestic capacity issues, and security interests. It is thus of immense use for thinktanks and media commentators, policy makers, and researchers of Indo-Pacific & Asian affairs, international relations, and China-US relations, interested in evolving contours of Indo-Pacific geopolitics. Swaran Singh is a professor in Jawaharlal Nehru University (New Delhi). He is president of Association of Asia Scholars, director India for Washington-based The Millennium Project's South Asia Foresight Network, Fellow of Canadian Global Affairs Institute (Calgary), Member of Governing Body of Society of Indian Ocean Studies (New Delhi) and formerly visiting professor in department of political science, University of British Columbia (Vancouver), Australian National University (Canberra), Science Po (Bordeaux), University of the Philippines (Manila) and several other universities across China and other parts of Asia. He has supervised 40 PhDs and 50 MPhil degrees and sits on various selection committee and editorial/advisory boards of prestigious journals. He is a well published author and regularly for CGTN and other radio and television discussion. Reena Marwah is a professor in Jesus and Mary College, Delhi University. She is the recipient of several national and international fellowships including the McNamara Fellowship of the World Bank, Asia fellowship of the Asian Scholarship Foundation and the ICSSR Senior Fellowship. She has been a Consultant for the World Bank and UN Women. She is the founding editor of Millennial Asia, a quarterly Scopus journal on Asian Studies of the Association of Asia Scholars. She has published over twenty books and several research papers and articles in national and international journals
This book brings together a unique team of academics and practitioners to analyse interests, institutions, and issues affecting and affected by the transition from Asia-Pacific to Indo-Pacific. The Indo-Pacific has emerged as the world’s economic and strategic centre of gravity, in which established and rising powers compete with each other. As a strategic space, the Indo-Pacific reflects the rise of geo-political and geo-economic designs and dynamics which have come to shape the region in the early twenty-first century. These new dynamics contrast with the (neo-)liberal ideas and the seemingly increasing globalisation for which the once dominant ‘Asia-Pacific’ regional label stood.
This book analyses the growing relationships among India, the United States and Japan in the Indo-Pacific region, which can broadly be defined as the space encompassing both the Indian and the Pacific Oceans, though different nations have their competing visions of its extent. While on the one hand we have an ascendant China in all respects, at the same time, the US has continued interests in maintaining its leadership role in the region and beyond. Washington appears to employ a hub-and-spoke model where its most important ally in the region, Japan, fits in perfectly as a point from which to connect to the rest of the region. However, the critical role will be that of India, which is not an American ally but is key to many American plans in the region. Will India cooperate?By examining the rapidly-evolving relations among the three countries, this book explores India's position in this region. Crucially, this book will analyse how the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic will upset power relations in the region. It is suitable reading for advanced undergraduate and graduate students, researchers, and practitioners in the fields of international relations, politics, security studies, political science, and geopolitics.
This book focuses on the Indo-Pacific region’s growing prominence as the world’s major powers gravitate toward this space to expand their influence. With dynamic shifts taking place in the globe’s most strategically volatile region, Indo-Pacific Strategies aims at clarifying the geopolitics of the Indo-Pacific, expounded both as a strategic concept and nascent region, thus contributing to the burgeoning policy and academic debate. The book offers indispensable insights and appropriate remedies to maintain the rules-based international order as threatened by China’s increasingly assertive and bellicose posturing. It offers up-to-date analyses of Covid-19-related geopolitical trends, the strategies of various Indo-Pacific states against the backdrop of great power competition, the increasingly confrontational stance of Indo-Pacific states against China and the 2020 US election results. This unique book presents deep insights into the roles of Eurasia, small island states, the Middle East and Africa, in addition to Australia, India, Japan and the US, thereby providing much needed comparative studies. It also closely investigates the strategic and tactical operationalization of the Indo-Pacific, making it an essential read for scholars, policymakers, students, and strategists in the field of international politics and Area Studies. Excerpt from the foreword by ABE Shinzō, (former) Prime Minister of Japan "I think this book is the timeliest attempt to bring together the wisdom of eleven people to present a multifaceted view of the FOIP [Free and Open Indo-Pacific]. As a reader, I would like to express my gratitude to the editors and contributors for their valuable intellectual contributions." See the preview function on this website to access the full text.
This important report was issued by the Department of Defense in June 2019. The Indo-Pacific is the Department of Defense's priority theater. The United States is a Pacific nation; we are linked to our Indo-Pacific neighbors through unbreakable bonds of shared history, culture, commerce, and values. We have an enduring commitment to uphold a free and open Indo-Pacific in which all nations, large and small, are secure in their sovereignty and able to pursue economic growth consistent with accepted international rules, norms, and principles of fair competition. The continuity of our shared strategic vision is uninterrupted despite an increasingly complex security environment. Inter-state strategic competition, defined by geopolitical rivalry between free and repressive world order visions, is the primary concern for U.S. national security. In particular, the People's Republic of China, under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party, seeks to reorder the region to its advantage by leveraging military modernization, influence operations, and predatory economics to coerce other nations. In contrast, the Department of Defense supports choices that promote long-term peace and prosperity for all in the Indo-Pacific. We will not accept policies or actions that threaten or undermine the rules-based international order - an order that benefits all nations. We are committed to defending and enhancing these shared values.China's economic, political, and military rise is one of the defining elements of the 21st century. Today, the Indo-Pacific increasingly is confronted with a more confident and assertive China that is willing to accept friction in the pursuit of a more expansive set of political, economic, and security interests. Perhaps no country has benefited more from the free and open regional and international system than China, which has witnessed the rise of hundreds of millions from poverty to growing prosperity and security. Yet while the Chinese people aspire to free markets, justice, and the rule of law, the People's Republic of China (PRC), under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), undermines the international system from within by exploiting its benefits while simultaneously eroding the values and principles of the rules-based order.This compilation includes a reproduction of the 2019 Worldwide Threat Assessment of the U.S. Intelligence Community. 1. Introduction * 1.1. America's Historic Ties to the Indo-Pacific * 1.2. Vision and Principles for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific * 2. Indo-Pacific Strategic Landscape: Trends and Challenges * 2.1. The People's Republic of China as a Revisionist Power * 2.2. Russia as a Revitalized Malign Actor * 2.3. The Democratic People's Republic of Korea as a Rogue State * 2.4. Prevalence of Transnational Challenges * 3. U.S. National Interests and Defense Strategy * 3.1. U.S. National Interests * 3.2. U.S. National Defense Strategy * 4. Sustaining U.S. Influence to Achieve Regional Objectives * 4.1. Line of Effort 1: Preparedness * 4.2. Line of Effort 2: Partnerships * 4.3. Line of Effort 3: Promoting a Networked Region * Conclusion
In view of the fast-changing world order, emerging countries are increasingly influencing the dynamics of regional securities. This timely and in-depth book examines India’s reorienting strategic posture and describes how New Delhi’s security policy in the Indo-Pacific region has evolved and expanded over the past two decades. The author argues that India’s quest to leverage its geostrategic location to emerge as an Indo-Pacific actor faces multiple challenges, which create a clear divide between the country’s political rhetoric and action on the ground. The author critically examines these contradictions to better situate India's security role in an increasingly fluid Indo-Pacific region.
This book explains why the idea of the Indo-Pacific is so strategically important and concludes with a strategy designed to help the West engage with Chinese power in the region in such a way as to avoid conflict.
India's relations with ASEAN has surpassed the original contours of the Look East policy. ASEAN has been used by India as a springboard to reach out into the wider Asia-Pacific region. India's early diplomatic initiatives and the various steps through which she graduated to the Summit level with ASEAN are thoroughly analysed in this book. Association with the ASEAN has enabled India to gain accessto several regional and multilateral forums such as the ARF, East Asia Summit and ASEM. The interaction with ASEAN has fuelled greater dynamism to India's regional multilateralism in contrast to that by SAARC. Summit status with ASEAN (ASEAN Plus One) has enlarged India's involvement in many sectors, not just economic and political, of the member countries. The India-ASEAN Partnership Agreement (2004) laid out a broad canvass of inter sectoral engagement between the parties. The book discusses the potentialities and limitations of the cooperative areas chartered by the Partnership. This book is an exercise, by regional specialists, in assessing the different dimensions of India-ASEAN relations. As Asia-Pacific has become the foci of great power involvement, one cannot ignore the relevance of such involvement to the India-ASEAN relations. Included is, India's relations with the individual countries, ASEAN's affiliated bodies as well as the impact on India of great power relations, e.g. China. Just as India's rapid engagement with ASEAN is a matter of concern to the regional powers, New Delhi too would have equal reason to take cognizance of the role and relevance of other powers in ASEAN. The book attempts to deviate from an economic-centric treatment of the India-ASEAN engagement. While trade and investment no doubt had been a core objective of the Look East drive into Southeast Asia, the strategic dimension was not a secondary objective. Geo-politics, like geo-economics, as much was the driving force behind India's Eastern drive. The bilateral and regional geo-political aspects of the bourgeoning Indian involvement in the Asia-Pacific are debated at length. India and ASEAN is a serious attempt to view the Indian engagement with ASEAN from the perspective of academia, diplomats, policy-makers, regional and country specialists. The critical essays carried by this book offer valuable inputs to scholars interested in looking at India's Look East policy from either side of the Straits of Malacca.
