Salimos de Guatepeor porque nunca hemos tenido un pais que brinde oportunidades de desarrollo para todos. Para nuestra desgracia la explotacion no ha cambiado desde la invasion Española. cinco siglos que han destrozado la sociedad. La unica forma de escapar ha sido la emigracion hacia Estados Unidos; 50 millones de hispanos viven ahora en este pais. Todos tenemos un familiar o amigo que trabaja en USA. Somos testigos de su progreso y hacemos lo imposible por venir tambien. Hoy la oportunidad por ley se ha convertido en un acto criminal. los ciudadanos de Estados Unidos han decidido perseguir a los inmigrantes indocumentados y poner mas restricciones a los documentados. Es una doble tragedia pero tambien es una gran oportunidad de hacer un cambio total lograr destruir la corrupcion en nuestros paises y obtener legalizacion en USA. todo depende de un buen lider y un pueblo informado. Este libro brinda los conocimientos y la manera de enfrentar el tema migracion en la era de Donald Trump. debemos ser intrepidos.
Sin fronteras: Inclusive Spanish Grammar Guidebook is the first ever Spanish language text to teach non-binary and gender-neutral language. It is an invaluable resource for intermediate and advanced learners that offers concise explanations and exercises for the major clausal structures, tenses, and moods. Along with including non-binary and gender-neutral language, the volume also incorporates the voseo, or the use of vos as a second-person singular pronoun that is common in many Latin American countries. This book expands the scope of traditional grammar instruction by including tasks such as reading, writing, discussions, and independent research in order to support the development of the competencies necessary to thrive in the increasingly interconnected and diverse world. Sin fronteras is suitable for independent study or for supplemental use in conversation classes, classes for heritage speakers, classes with focus on the professions (e.g., medical Spanish, Spanish for business), and literature classes.
"The Military and Politics in Post-Authoritarian Chile should be read by everyone concerned with the relation between democracy and the armed forces. It is a well-researched, well-written volume that should prove both interesting and useful to scholars and students alike." --Perspectives on Politics Why have political leaders of developing and authoritarian nations run into so many obstacles as they attempt to establish civilian supremacy over armed forces in the democratization of their countries? This is the question Gregory Weeks poses in his study of Chile from 1990 onward. He explains how the Chilean military has maintained a high level of political influence in the tumultuous aftermath of dictatorial rule by Army General Augusto Pinochet, thus confounding a smooth transition to civilian authority. Even after the reins of power were officially handed over in 1990, Pinochet continued as commander in chief of the army until 1998, when he took a lifetime seat in the Senate and led the military's efforts to retain its legal and constitutional prerogatives while limiting civilian oversight of military affairs. This assertion of guardianship by the military has produced a political tug-of-war between it and civilian authorities the two contenders for political primacy in Chile. In addition to recounting the historical background of this situation, Weeks's study examines where conflict between these two contenders has been most productive and accord has been highest. His findings suggest that formal contacts, conducted through formal institutions, have been the most conducive to civil supremacy and, therefore, the consolidation of democracy. Based on interviews, government documents, military journals, newspapers, and other archival sources, The Military and Politics in Postauthoritarian Chile describes how presidents, military officers, members of Congress, and judges have interacted since the end of the military regime. With implications for conflict resolution studies, this book will be valuable for Chileanists and policymakers and analysts of Latin American regimes, as well as academic libraries, military historians, social scientists, and students and scholars of Latin American history and politics.
"Michelle Malkin’s latest book is required reading for anyone wishing to understand the forces and interests behind the open borders and mass migration lobby." —Pawel Styrna, ImmigrationReform.com Follow the money, find the truth. That’s Michelle Malkin’s journalistic mantra, and in her stunning new book, Open Borders Inc., she puts it to work with a shocking, comprehensive exposé of who’s behind our immigration crisis. In the name of compassion—but driven by financial profit—globalist elites, Silicon Valley, and the radical Left are conspiring to undo the rule of law, subvert our homeland security, shut down free speech, and make gobs of money off the backs of illegal aliens, refugees, and low-wage guest workers. Politicians want cheap votes or cheap labor. Church leaders want pew-fillers and collection plate donors. Social justice militants, working with corporate America, want to silence free speech they deem “hateful,” while raking in tens of millions of dollars promoting mass, uncontrolled immigration both legal and illegal. Malkin names names—from Pope Francis to George Clooney, from George Soros to the Koch brothers, from Jack Dorsey to Tim Cook and Mark Zuckerberg. Enlightening as it is infuriating, Open Borders Inc. reveals the powerful forces working to erase America.
In 1968 over 10,000 Chicana/o high school students in East Los Angeles walked out of their schools in the first major protest against racism and educational inequality staged by Mexican Americans in the United States. They ignited the Mexican-American civil rights movement, which opened the doors to higher education and equal opportunity in employment for Mexican Americans and other Latinos previously excluded. Marching Students is a collaborative effort by Chicana/o scholars in several fields to place the 1968 walkouts and Chicana and Chicano Civil Rights Movement in historical context, highlighting the contribution of Chicana/o educators, students, and community activists to minority education. Contributors: Alejandro Covarrubias, Xico González, Eracleo Guevara, Adriana Katzew, Lilia R. De Katzew, Rita Kohli, Edward M. Olivos, Alejo Padilla, Carmen E. Quintana, Evelyn M. Rangel-Medina, Marianna Rivera, Daniel G. Solórzano, Carlos Tejeda
More than forty years have passed since President Richard Nixon described illegal drugs as “public enemy number one” and declared a “War on Drugs.” Recently the United Nations Global Commission on Drug Policy declared that “the global war on drugs has failed with devastating consequences for individuals and societies around the world.” Arguably, no other country has suffered as much from the War on Drugs as Mexico. From 2006 to 2012 alone, at least sixty thousand people have died. Some experts have said that the actual number is more than one hundred thousand. Because the war was conceived and structured by US policymakers and officials, many commentators believe that the United States is deeply implicated in the bloodshed. A War that Can’t Be Won is the first book to include contributions from scholars on both sides of the US–Mexico border. It provides a unique breadth of perspective on the many dimensions of the societal crisis that affects residents of both nations—particularly those who live and work in the borderlands. It also proposes practical steps toward solving a crisis that shows no signs of abating under current policies. Each chapter is based on well-documented data, including previously unavailable evidence that was obtained through freedom-of-information inquiries in Mexico. By bringing together views from both sides of the border, as well as from various academic disciplines, this volume offers a much wider view of a complex problem—and possible solutions.
‘War’ is no exaggeration in discussing the bloodshed that has terrorized Mexico in the past decades. As rival cartels battle for control of a billion-dollar drug trade, the body count - 23,000 dead in five years - and sheer horror beggar the imagination of journalistic witnesses. Cartel gunmen have attacked schools and rehabilitation centers, and murdered the entire families of those who defy them. Reformers and law enforcement officials have been gunned down within hours of taking office. Headless corpses are dumped on streets to intimidate rivals, and severed heads are rolled onto dancefloors as messages to would-be opponents. And the war is creeping northward, towards the United States. El Narco is the story of the ultraviolent criminal organizations that have turned huge areas of Mexico into a combat zone. It is a piercing portrait of a drug trade that turns ordinary men into mass murderers, as well as a diagnosis of what drives the cartels and what gives them such power. Veteran Mexico correspondent Ioan Grillo traces the gangs from their origins as smugglers to their present status as criminal empires. The narco cartels are a threat to the Mexican government - and their violence has now reached as far as North Carolina. El Narco is required reading for anyone concerned about one of the most important news stories of the decade.
