Simon Reich presents an interpretation of the relationship between material (hard) and social (soft) power, with implications for the alternative ways these link and the impact of these linkages on the future of American policy. Global Norms offers a new way of understanding both theory and policy in the 21st Century.
Simon Reich presents an interpretation of the relationship between material (hard) and social (soft) power, with implications for the alternative ways these link and the impact of these linkages on the future of American policy. Global Norms offers a new way of understanding both theory and policy in the 21st Century.
This book explores the international politics behind the identification of human trafficking as a major global problem. Since 2000, tackling human trafficking has spawned new legal, security and political architecture. This book is grounded in the premise that the intense response to this issue is at odds with the shaky statistics and contentious definitions underpinning it. Given the disparity between architecture and evidence, Wylie asks why human trafficking has become widely understood as a threat to personal and state security in today's world. Relying on the idea of 'norm lifecycle' from constructivist International Relations, this volume traces the rise and impact of anti-trafficking activism. Global common knowledge about trafficking is now established, but at a cost. Taking issue with the predominant framing of trafficking as sexual exploitation, this book focuses on how contemporary globalization causes labour exploitation, while the concept of trafficking legitimates states' securitized responses to migration.
This unique volume unpacks the concept and practice of naming and shaming by examining how governments, NGOs and international organisations attempt to change the behaviour of targeted actors through public exposure of violations of normative standards and legal commitments.
Is China challenging liberal norms or being socialised to them? This book argues that China is incrementally pushing for re-interpretation of liberal norms, but, the result is that rather than being illiberal, this reinterpretation produces norms that are differently liberal and more akin to the liberal pluralism of the 1990s. In developing this argument, the author presents a novel way to understand and assess these incremental changes, and the causes of them. The book’s empirical chapters explore China’s views on norms of sovereignty and intervention, and aid and development, contrasting them against the current western liberal practices, but making the case that they are congruent with the attitudes understood as being broadly liberal-pluralist. This book will appeal to students seeking to understand how rising states may affect the current institutions of international order, and make assessments of how fast that order may change. It will also appeal to scholars working on China and institutions by aiding the development of new lines of enquiry.
The consequences of the rise of emerging powers like China and India is becoming the most important topic of debate in international studies. This book focuses on the impact of these changes on the way we study international politics: if international politics is changing, should we also change international studies?
We are told again and again that the world has become increasingly complex and indecipherable. However, this book reminds us that we are no longer alone in the world, that it is time to move away from the mental categories of the Cold War and stop treating all those who challenge our vision of the international order as guilty “deviants” or “Barbarians.” The author challenges the diplomacy of Western states, who want to continue to rule the world against history, and in particular that of France, which too often oscillates between arrogance, indecision, and ambiguity. The power play is stuck. The international order can no longer be regulated by a small club of oligarchs who exclude the weaker ones, ignore the demands of societies, and ignore the demands for justice that emerge from a new world where the actors are more numerous, more diverse and more restive to arbitrary disciplines. For this reason, this book also offers ways to think an international order that would be, if not fair, at least less unfair.
In order to help the understanding of international campaigning activities of Non-Governmental Organisations, Tepe analyses the domestic politics of the International Campaign to Ban Landmines and provides a theoretical framework through which to access these.
Presenting International Studies as a wide, plural and inherently interdisciplinary field of research, this book shows its links with philosophy, peace research, history, geography, globalization studies, international political economy, political psychology, sociology and social theory, linguistics, strategic or war studies and anthropology.
Many policymakers, journalists, and scholars insist that U.S. hegemony is essential for warding off global chaos. Good-Bye Hegemony! argues that hegemony is a fiction propagated to support a large defense establishment, justify American claims to world leadership, and buttress the self-esteem of voters. It is also contrary to American interests and the global order. Simon Reich and Richard Ned Lebow argue that hegemony should instead find expression in agenda setting, economic custodianship, and the sponsorship of global initiatives. Today, these functions are diffused through the system, with European countries, China, and lesser powers making important contributions. In contrast, the United States has often been a source of political and economic instability. Rejecting the focus on power common to American realists and liberals, the authors offer a novel analysis of influence. In the process, they differentiate influence from power and power from material resources. Their analysis shows why the United States, the greatest power the world has ever seen, is increasingly incapable of translating its power into influence. Reich and Lebow use their analysis to formulate a more realistic place for America in world affairs.
