Each year, Foreign Affairs magazine publishes an annual chronoloy of major events in foreign relations during the previous year. This volume compiles chronologies from 1978 to 1989. It presents authoritative day-by-day accounts of noteworthy events overseas as well as significant developments in the U.S. foreign policy process. Each chronology systematically details the year's developments by country, region, and specific topics as East-West relations, arms control, U.S. and the world economy, and terrorism. ISBN 0-87609-0773-3: $30.00 (For use only in the library).
Encyclopedia of Days uses daily events as a lens through which to view the broad panorama of history. Includes over six thousand entries for every day of the year, designed to both fascinate and educate. Within its pages, you can learn that that Bjarni Herjulfson was the first European "discoverer" of record to locate North America, Paul Revere did not complete his famous ride, the Battle of Bunker's Hill was never fought there, Francis Hopkinsonnot Betsy Rossdesigned our first flag, and the US did not buy Florida. Covers over 3000 years of history and a huge number of subjects illustrating geography, politics, international relations, economic, social events and popular culture. an important reminder of human frailties and triumphs, lending insight and perspective into the complex modern world. While other compilations are mostly specialty works, dealing with a specific subject or time period, this work is far broader in scope, yet detailed in content. Can be used as a basis for a fun game, can be used as a motivational tool in the business world to inspire employees and can be used as a classroom motivation to start the day. This is an exceedingly practical and accessible volume, an indispensable reference for anyone that seeks a deeper understanding of both American and World history. All told, Encyclopedia of Days is a fun way to recall history and to learn some aspects of history that will amaze you. As such this unique reference belongs in everyone's home library.
The collapse of communism in central and eastern Europe--the Revolution of 1989--was a singularly stunning event in a century already known for the unexpected. How did people divided for two generations by an Iron Curtain come so suddenly to dance together atop the Berlin Wall? Why did people who had once seemed resigned to their fate suddenly take their future into their own hands? Some analysts have explained the Revolution in economic terms, arguing that the Warsaw Pact countries could no longer compete with the West. But as George Weigel argues in this thought-provoking volume, people don't put their lives, and their children's futures, in harm's way simply for better cars, refrigerators, and TVs. Something else--something more--had to happen behind the iron curtain before the Wall came tumbling down. In The Final Revolution, Weigel argues that that "something" was a revolution of conscience. The human turn to the good, to the truly human, and, ultimately, to God, was the key to the political Revolution of 1989. Weigel provides an in-depth exploration of how the Catholic Church shaped the moral revolution inside the political revolution. Drawing on extensive interviews with key leaders of the human rights and resistance movements, he opens a unique window into the soul of the Revolution and into the hearts and minds of those who shaped this stirring vindication of the human spirit. Weigel also examines the central role played by Pope John Paul II in confronting what Václav Havel called communism's "culture of the lie," and he suggests what the future role of the Church might be in consolidating democracy in the countries of the old Warsaw Pact. The "final revolution" is not the end of history, Weigel concludes. It is the human quest for a freedom that truly satisfies the deepest yearnings of the human heart. The Final Revolution illustrates how that quest changed the face of the twentieth century and redefined world politics in the year of miracles, 1989.
George Kennan, Charles Bohlen, W. Averell Harriman, William Bullitt, Joseph E. Davies, Llewlleyn Thompson, Jack Matlock: these are important names in the history of American foreign policy. Together with a number of lesser-known officials, these diplomats played a vital role in shaping U.S. strategy and popular attitudes toward the Soviet Union throughout its 75-year history. In The Ambassadors and America's Soviet Policy, David Mayers presents the most comprehensive critical examination yet of U.S. diplomats in the Soviet Union. Mayers' vivid portrayal evokes the social and intellectual atmosphere of the American embassy in the midst of crucial episodes: the Bolshevik Revolution, the Great Purges, the Grand Alliance in World War II, the early Cold War, the Cuban Missile Crisis, the rise and decline of detente, and the heady days of perestroika and glasnost. He also offers rare portraits of the professional lives of the diplomats themselves: their adjustment to Soviet life, the quality of their analytical reporting, their contact with other diplomats in Moscow, and their influence on Washington. Assessing the strengths and weaknesses of American diplomacy in its most challenging area, this compelling book fills an important gap in the history of U.S. foreign policy and U.S.-Soviet relations. Readers interested in U.S. foreign policy, the cold war, and the policies and history of the former Soviet Union will find The Ambassadors and America's Soviet Policy an intriguing and informative work.
Arms and Warfare considers the impact of arms shipments on a conflict once it has begun. Using case studies, the authors pinpoint the timing of arms transfers and then assess the influence of these deliveries.
As the most populous country in Eastern Europe as well as the birthplace of the largest anticommunist dissident movement, Poland is crucial in understanding the end of the Cold War. During the 1980s, both the United States and the Soviet Union vied for influence over Poland's politically tumultuous steps toward democratic revolution. In this groundbreaking history, Gregory F. Domber examines American policy toward Poland and its promotion of moderate voices within the opposition, while simultaneously addressing the Soviet and European influences on Poland's revolution in 1989. With a cast including Reagan, Gorbachev, and Pope John Paul II, Domber charts American support of anticommunist opposition groups--particularly Solidarity, the underground movement led by future president Lech Wa&322;&281;sa--and highlights the transnational network of Polish emigres and trade unionists that kept the opposition alive. Utilizing archival research and interviews with Polish and American government officials and opposition leaders, Domber argues that the United States empowered a specific segment of the Polish opposition and illustrates how Soviet leaders unwittingly fostered radical, pro-democratic change through their policies. The result is fresh insight into the global impact of the Polish pro-democracy movement.
This book offers one of the first comprehensive academic views on Just Cause, the December 1989 U.S. military intervention in Panama. It presents excellent positions for the reader to consider and give a comprehensive view of all of the factors and events that prompted the operation.
Chicago has belonged to the world for a century, but its midcontinental geography once demanded a leap of the intellect and imagination to grasp this reality. During that century, the Chicago Council on Global Affairs guided and defined the way Chicago thinks about its place in the world. Founded in 1922 as the Chicago Council on Foreign Relations, as a forum to engage Chicagoans in conversations about world affairs, both its name and mission have changed. Today it is an educational vehicle that brings the world to Chicago, and a think tank that works to influence that world. At its centenary, it is the biggest and most influential world affairs council west of New York and Washington, with a local impact and global reach. Chicago and the World is a dual history of the first one hundred years of the Chicago Council on Global Affairs and of the foreign policy battles and debates that crossed its stage. The richness of these debates lay in their immediacy. All were reports from the moment, analyses of current crises, and were delivered by men and women who had no idea how the story would end. Some were comically wrong, others eerily prescient, and some so wise that we still profit from their lessons today. The history of the past century reflects the history of the Council from its birth as a worldly outpost in a provincial hotbed of isolationism to its status today as a major institution in one of the world’s leading global cities. It is a tumultuous history, full of ups and downs, driven by vivid characters, and enlivened by constant debate over where the institution and its city belong in the world. The Council of today has a bias very similar to that of the Council of 1922— that openness is the only rational response to global complexity. It rejected the isolationism of 1922 and it rejects nationalism now. In 1922, it recognized that the outside world affected Chicago every day. In 2022, it insists that Chicago affects that world. Chicago then was a receptor for outside ideas. Chicago today is a generator of ideas and events. Both the world and Chicago have changed, but the Council’s goals—openness, clarity, involvement—remain the same. History of the Council: The Chicago Council on Global Affairs was founded in 1922 amid the aftermath of World War I, the Senate’s rejection of the League of Nations, and the influenza pandemic of 1918. Today, at its centenary, it is the biggest world affairs council west of New York and Washington, DC. It is both a forum for debate on global issues and a think tank working to influence those issues. Chicago and the World offers a dual history of the Council and the great foreign policy issues of the past century. Founded in America’s heartland, the Council now guides the international thinking of one of the world’s great global cities. Its speakers include the men and women who shaped the century: Georges Clemenceau, Jawaharlal Nehru, Jan Masaryk, George Marshall, Eleanor Roosevelt, Walter Lippmann, Margaret Thatcher, Willy Brandt, Helmut Kohl, Henry Kissinger, Ronald Reagan, Mikhail Gorbachev, Joseph Biden, and Barack Obama, among others. There have been Nobel Prize winners and Nazis, one-worlders and America-Firsters. The Council emerged in a Chicago dominated by isolationism. It led the great debate over American participation in World War II and, after that war, over our nation’s new dominant role in the world. As a forum, it struggled with major issues: Vietnam, the Cold War, 9/11. As a think tank, it helps lead our nation’s thinking on global cities, global food security, the global economy, and foreign policy. The Council’s one hundredth anniversary follows another pandemic, the Covid-19 crisis, at a time when a new wave of nationalism and nativism distorts America’s place in the world. The Council sees itself as nonpartisan but not neutral in this debate. It is committed to the ideal of an informed citizenry at home and openness and involvement abroad.
During the first two years of Ronald Reagan’s second term the United States developed an offensive strategy for dealing with conflict in the developing world. Nicaragua was a primary target of this policy. Scholars refer to this as the Reagan offensive: the first time that the United States eschewed the norms of containment and sought to “roll-back” the gains of communism. However, the Reagan offensive was also significantly driven by a response to the emergent threat of international terrorism. Terrorism provided a vehicle that justified its use of aggressive proxy war and pursuit of regime change in Central America. U.S. policy with Nicaragua demonstrates the importance of terrorism to the development of a more aggressive United States in the post-Cold War world. This book examines the influence of the U.S.-Contra War in establishing a precedent for the use of overt pre-emptive force against sovereign nations in the name of counterterrorism. In the 21st century, the United States undertook a policy with the world based on a broad definition of self-defense that called for an array of actions that often violated traditional norms of international law and recognition of sovereign rights. This book demonstrates that the precedent for this change occurred in the late Cold War as the United States sought to respond to an escalation of global terrorism. The emergent problem of terrorism in the 1970s and 1980s transformed how and when the United States applied force in the world.
Ever since its first publication in 1992, the New York Times bestselling The End of History and the Last Man has provoked controversy and debate. "Profoundly realistic and important...supremely timely and cogent...the first book to fully fathom the depth and range of the changes now sweeping through the world." —The Washington Post Book World Francis Fukuyama's prescient analysis of religious fundamentalism, politics, scientific progress, ethical codes, and war is as essential for a world fighting fundamentalist terrorists as it was for the end of the Cold War. Now updated with a new afterword, The End of History and the Last Man is a modern classic.
