First Published in 2005. This thirteen-chapter title is divided into three parts and concludes with five appendices, references, and index. The first part focuses on income inequality and the historical state of wages. The second begins the discussion on the driving forces of economic inequality and equilibrating factors. The third provides a model for inequality in a resource-scarce open economy with data, theory, and debate. Appropriate for economic students and those interested in British economic history.
This comprehensive work, along with its companion volume (see listing below), provides a thorough review of modern capitalism by some of today's most knowledgeable scholars. Contributors include: Peter L. Berger, Boston University; Samuel McCracken, Boston University; Jeffrey G. Williamson, Harvard University; Edgar K. Browning, Texas A & M University; Walter D. Connor, Boston University; Alan M. Kantrow, Harvard Business Review; Laura L. Nash, Harvard University's Center for Business and Government; Richard John Neuhaus, Rockford Institute's Center on Religion and Society; Stephen Miller, author of Special Interest Groups in American Politics; Marc F. Plattner, author of Rousseau's State of Nature; Delba Winthrop, Harvard University. Co-published with the Institute for Educational Affairs.
This is an innovative study of middle-class behaviour and property relations in English towns in Georgian and Victorian Britain. Through the lens of wills, family papers, property deeds, account books and letters, the author offers a reading of the ways in which middle-class families survived and surmounted the economic difficulties of early industrial society. He argues that these were essentially 'networked' families created and affirmed by a 'gift' network of material goods, finance, services and support, with property very much at the centre of middle-class survival strategies. His approach combines microhistorical studies of individual families with a broader analysis of the national and even international networks within which these families operated. The result is a significant contribution to the history, and to debates about the place of structural and cultural analysis in historical understanding.
This landmark book charts the rollercoaster history of both rich and poor, and the mechanisms that link them. Stewart Lansley examines the ideological rifts that have driven society back to the divisions of the past and asks why rich and poor citizens are still judged by very different standards.
Explores changes in city density by comparing Melbourne, Los Angeles, Vancouver, Auckland and other new frontier cities. Includes a new interpretation of the effect of development on problems faced by frontier cities, and a detailed bibliography. The author lectures on economics and economic history at La Trobe University.
This work is a sequel to The Irish Victorian City. As a collection of national and regional studies, it reflected the consensus view of the subject by describing both the degree of the demoralization of the Irish immigrants into Britain for the early and mid-Victorian period, when they figured so largely in the official parliamentary and social reportage of the day; and then, in spite of every obvious difficulty posed by poverty, crime, disease, and prejudice, the positive aspect of the Irish Catholic achievement in the creation of enduring religious and political communities towards the end of the nineteenth century.
In 1830, the dominant social outlook of the early Victorians was a paternalism that looked to property, the Church, and local Justices of the Peace to govern society and deal with its ills. By 1860, however, the dominant social outlook had become a vision of a laissez faire society that relied on economic laws, self-reliance, and the vigorous philanthropy of voluntary societies. This book describes and analyzes these changes, which arose from the rapid growth of industry, towns, population, and the middle and working classes. Paternalism did not entirely fade away, however, just as a laissez faire vision had long antedated 1830. Both were part of a social conscience also defined by a revived philanthropy, a new humanitarianism, and a grudging acceptance of an expanded government, all of which reflected a strong revival of religion as well as the growth of rationalism. The new dominance of a laissez faire vision was dramatically evident in the triumph of political economy. By 1860, only a few doubted the eternal verities of the economists’ voluminous writings. Few also doubted the verities of those who preached self-reliance, who supported the New Poor Law’s severity to persons who were not self-reliant, and who inspired education measures to promote that indispensable virtue. If economic laws and self-reliance failed to prevent distress, the philanthropists and voluntary societies would step in. Such a vision proved far more buoyant and effective than a paternalism whose narrow and rural Anglican base made it unable to cope with the downside of an industrial-urban Britain. But the vision of a laissez faire society was not without its flaws. Its harmonious economic laws and its hope in self-reliance did not prevent gross exploitation and acute distress, and however beneficent were its philanthropists, they fell far short of mitigating these evils. This vision also found a rival in an expanded government. Two powerful ideas—the idea of a paternal government and the idea of a utilitarian state—helped create the expansion of government services. A reluctant belief in governmental power thus joined the many other ideas that defined the Victorian’s social conscience.
In this volume a distinguished team of international contributors consider some of the central long-term issues raised by the problem of income distribution. The Kuznets curve--i.e. the notion that income distribution became increasingly unequal during the period of industrialization, and progressively less unequal during the twentieth century--lies at the center of much of the analysis, and its relevance is discussed in a wide-ranging series of articles covering the British, Belgian, German, Australian, Austrian and American experiences. This volume is the first in many years to take such a broad, comparative approach to income distribution, and makes an important and authoritative contribution to an area of perennial debate.