Americans were shocked and outraged to see chaos unfold at the Capitol on January 6, 2021. The melee shut down plans by some Republican lawmakers to object to Congress’s official certification of the 2020 presidential election results. Democrats, the news media, and many leading Republicans immediately blamed the roughly four-hour disturbance on President Trump. The president “incited an insurrection,” the American pubic was told. It prompted a second impeachment trial of Donald Trump after he left office. But one year later, the original narrative of what happened that day has crumbled while hundreds of Americans have been swept up in an unprecedented investigation led by Joe Biden’s Justice Department to punish them for their involvement in the January 6th protest. The public has been misled—and flat-out lied to—about a number of aspects related to that day. This book exposes them all.
This work is a comprehensive introduction to the most important issues facing American citizens and their government. It addresses various interpretations of the proper role of government with a view towards the Democrats re-working of such integral issues as: -States' rights -Societal affluence and social needs -Campaign finance reform -Media Consolidation -America's climbing debt ceiling -China's military and political expansion -Manufacturing's decline -Job outsourcing -The disappearance of pension plans -The whittling away of America's middle class -America's inadequate health care system -Environmental degradation -America's vanishing family farms
In this ambitious book, Eva Bellin examines the dynamics of democratization in late-developing countries where the process has stalled. Bellin focuses on the pivotal role of social forces and particularly the reluctance of capital and labor to champion democratic transition, contrary to the expectations of political economists versed in earlier transitions. Bellin argues that the special conditions of late development, most notably the political paradoxes created by state sponsorship, fatally limit class commitment to democracy. In many developing countries, she contends, those who are empowered by capitalist industrialization become the allies of authoritarianism rather than the agents of democratic reform.Bellin generates her propositions from close study of a singular case of stalled democracy: Tunisia. Capital and labor's complicity in authoritarian relapse in that country poses a puzzle. The author's explanation of that case is made more general through comparison with the cases of other countries, including Mexico, Indonesia, South Korea, Turkey, and Egypt. Stalled Democracy also explores the transformative capacity of state-sponsored industrialization. By drawing on a range of real-world examples, Bellin illustrates the ability of developing countries to reconfigure state-society relations, redistribute power more evenly in society, and erode the peremptory power of the authoritarian state, even where democracy is stalled.
How did "liberal" become a dirty word in American politics? How did "compassionate conservative" become a viable campaign theme? When did the "independent voter" become the most sought-after prize in modern campaigns? And why haven't "third-party candidates" enjoyed similar acclaim? The Talk of the Party listens to how the language of partisanship--including words like Democrat, Republican, party, liberal, conservative, and independent--has been used over the past fifty years and how it has created or limited political opportunities. Listening to the talk of the party can teach valuable lessons about campaigns, opportunities for public life, and the future of these American institutions.
Fighting fascism at home and abroad begins with the consolidation of a progressive politics Seventy-five years ago, Henry Wallace, then the sitting Vice President of the United States, mounted a campaign to warn about the persisting "Danger of American Fascism." As fighting in the European and Japanese theaters drew to a close, Wallace warned that the country may win the war and lose the piece; that the fascist threat that the U.S. was battling abroad had a terrifying domestic variant, growing rapidly in power: wealthy corporatists and their allies in the media. Wallace warned that if the New Deal project was not renewed and expanded in the post-war era, American fascists would use fear mongering, xenophonbia, and racism to regain the economic and political power that they lost. He championed an alternative, progressive vision of a post-war world-an alternative to triumphalist "American Century" vision then rising--in which the United States rejected colonialism and imperialism. Wallace's political vision - as well as his standing in the Democratic Party - were quickly sidelined. In the decades to come, other progressive forces would mount similar campaigns: George McGovern and Jesse Jackson more prominently. As John Nichols chronicles in this book, they ultimately failed - a warning to would-be reformers today - but their successive efforts provide us with insights into the nature of the Democratic Party, and a strategic script for the likes of Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez.
All over the world, political parties are being born and political pluralism is being fostered. Ironically, here in the United States, the parties are blurring together ideologically, and the political process is suffering. One of the messages of this book is that a vital two-party system is essential to America’s political health. The last thing this country needs, the authors argue, is two Republican parties. At this critical moment in history, the Democratic party has the opportunity to offer the nation a real political choice, a sense of direction, and a program to address the needs of Americans in a changing world. It is time, they say, for a change—a change that only the Democrats can provide. As recounted here, a generation of Republican administrations have had their chance. The results have not been happy: deepening social divisions, heightened inequalities in income distribution, a decaying educational system, environmental exploitation, an insensitivity to the concerns of the less powerful, the largest public debt in history, and a foreign policy based on force. Recurring constitutional crises have also erupted, as epitomized by the Iran-Contra affair. The record is a sorry one. Alternatives exist, and the best ones rest with the Democratic party. The Democrats must lead. It is their responsibility to offer a new vision of the future and the means for achieving it—to provide a program that is compassionate, just, and inclusive of all. The politics of greed, exploitation, self-promotion, and militarism must be put behind us. Such are the themes of this extraordinary book. Leading academicians, each an expert in his or her area, emphasize the need for new leadership, propose contributions that a progressive Democratic party could make, and suggest what this party should stand for as well as how it can win in 1992. They urge the Democrats to be both brave and principled-brave in defying the conventional wisdom that Democrats must be moderate to win, and principled in sticking to progressive ideals. The book provides analysis of such areas as the political impact of an issue-oriented, liberal party; the campaign and media choices required to get a progressive message across; the role and concerns of women, blacks, Hispanics, and other 262underrepresented groups; electoral and legislative strategies for success; and the substance of what a progressive policy agenda should contain. Challenging and thought-provoking, these essays will help reshape political thinking during this critical period in the nation’s history. Their objective is creation of a society that represents and responds to human needs, and the authors indicate the way to achieve these goals through an invigorated, forward-looking Democratic party.
ONE OF THE ECONOMIST'S BEST BOOKS OF THE YEAR AND A WINNER OF THE WASHINGTON MONTHLY'S ANNUAL POLITICAL BOOK AWARD Political experts John B. Judis and Ruy Teixeira convincingly use hard data -- demographic, geographic, economic, and political -- to forecast the dawn of a new progressive era. In the 1960s, Kevin Phillips, battling conventional wisdom, correctly foretold the dawn of a new conservative era. His book, The Emerging Republican Majority, became an indispensable guide for all those attempting to understand political change through the 1970s and 1980s. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, with the country in Republican hands, The Emerging Democratic Majority is the indispensable guide to this era. In five well-researched chapters and a new afterword covering the 2002 elections, Judis and Teixeira show how the most dynamic and fastest-growing areas of the country are cultivating a new wave of Democratic voters who embrace what the authors call "progressive centrism" and take umbrage at Republican demands to privatize social security, ban abortion, and cut back environmental regulations. As the GOP continues to be dominated by neoconservatives, the religious right, and corporate influence, this is an essential volume for all those discontented with their narrow agenda -- and a clarion call for a new political order.
By the end of the 1960s, most of Latin America was under repressive military rule. Conversely, the 1980s have seen the emergence of formal, constitutional democracies in Latin America and the Caribbean. Authoritarians and Democrats describes these changes and the future prospects for constitutional government in Latin America.
The Democratic Coup d'État advances a simple, yet controversial, argument: democracy sometimes comes through a military coup. Covering coups that toppled dictators and installed democratic rule in countries as diverse as Guinea-Bissau, Portugal, and Colombia, the book weaves a balanced narrative that challenges everything we knew about military coups.
