Since the end of the Cold War, security concerns in the Caribbean have changed from containment of communism to transnational threats such as drugs, illegal migration and natural disasters. This text analyzes the situation and puts forward a framework for a cooperative regional security system.
This book, first published in 1984, presents a comprehensive survey of the forces of change that operate in the Caribbean, an area of political instability at the time. It examines the internal politics of the different countries and considers the roles of the United States, Cuba, the European and new Latin American powers in the political conflicts, coups and revolutions.
Conflicts in countries such as Nicaragua, El Salvador and Haiti represent challenges to the wealth and power of local oligarchies, to the global hegemony of the US and to the capitalist system. The contributors to this volume shed light on the national and international causes, dimensions and consequences of such challenges. They analyse the interaction between economic transformations, social struggles and political conflicts in the Caribbean Basin with the world-scale dynamics of capitalism.
The link between private corporations and U.S. world power has a much longer history than most people realize. Transnational firms such as the United Fruit Company represent an earlier stage of the economic and cultural globalization now taking place throughout the world. Drawing on a wide range of archival sources in the United States, Great Britain, Costa Rica, and Guatemala, Colby combines "top-down" and "bottom-up" approaches to provide new insight into the role of transnational capital, labor migration, and racial nationalism in shaping U.S. expansion into Central America and the greater Caribbean. The Business of Empire places corporate power and local context at the heart of U.S. imperial history. In the early twentieth century, U.S. influence in Central America came primarily in the form of private enterprise, above all United Fruit. Founded amid the U.S. leap into overseas empire, the company initially depended upon British West Indian laborers. When its black workforce resisted white American authority, the firm adopted a strategy of labor division by recruiting Hispanic migrants. This labor system drew the company into increased conflict with its host nations, as Central American nationalists denounced not only U.S. military interventions in the region but also American employment of black immigrants. By the 1930s, just as Washington renounced military intervention in Latin America, United Fruit pursued its own Good Neighbor Policy, which brought a reduction in its corporate colonial power and a ban on the hiring of black immigrants. The end of the company's system of labor division in turn pointed the way to the transformation of United Fruit as well as the broader U.S. empire.
The countries of the Caribbean region benefit from a number of preferential trade arrangements. In addition to the industrialized countrys' General System of Preferences (GSP) which are applicable to most developing countries, there are some very special arrangements formulated to promote exports from the Caribbean countries -- the Caribbean Basin Initiative (CBI) of the United States, CARIBCAN of Canada, and the much older Lome Conventions of the European Communities, which includes the Caribbean as well as most African and some Pacific countries. Yet, in spite of this preferential treatment, the Caribbean export performance has been worse than the performance of the developing countries as a whole. This report examines the Caribbean export performance in the 1980s in some detail, analyzes the possible reasons behind this performance, and presents some recommendations to improve it. The scope of the analysis in this report is limited to the member countries of the Caribbean Group for Cooperation in Economic Development. This report not only has a Caribbean perspective, it examines all three major arrangements - the CBI, CARIBCAN, and Lome Convention in the environment of both groups and specific exporters in the three different markets. In this way, the greatly varying performances can lead to insights on export performance and ways to improve it.
This wide ranging thematic and comparative text analyses the origins and nature of the developmental and political crises of the region and the reasons for their recent intensification. It covers all the Central American states and the largest Caribbean island territories - Jamaica, Cuba, The Dominican Republic, Haiti and Puerto Rico - as well as Panama and Grenada, assessing their common experiences as small economies living in the shadow of the United States but also highlighting key differences.
Originally published in 1983, this anthology was the first to integrate the political experiences of the Central American mainland and the Caribbean archipelago and provides analyses of some of the most explosive events of the 1970s and 80s in this region, including the Jonestown massacre, the failures of the Burnham regime in Guyana, the tumultuous elections in Jamaica in 1980, the army officers’ coup d’état in Suriname, the revolutions in Grenada and Nicaragua and the revolutionary upheaval in El Salvador. It also shows how the regional crisis affected such prosperous countries as Trinidad and Tobago and such politically stable regimes in St. Vincent and the French colonies of Martinique and Guadelope. It also discusses the development of the first Socialist regime in the region, Cuba
After a period of rapid economic growth associated with high commodity prices, the region had entered a phase of lackluster performance. Recent developments, including a new oil price shock, and the outbreak of the Covid-19 epidemic will push the region into recession. Many countries are struggling to contain the spread of the Covid-19 epidemic while avoiding a dramatic decline in economic activity. The report analyzes how to think about this tradeoff. It estimates the potential health costs, assesses the effectiveness of diverse containment strategies, and discusses how large the economic cost could be. The current crisis is unprecedented because it combines a fall in global demand, tighter financial conditions and a major supply shock. The response needs to consider how to socialize the losses, how to prevent a collapse of the financial sector, how to protect jobs and livelihoods, and how to manage and divest the assets that will inevitably end up in the hands of the state.
From the end of the nineteenth century until the onset of the Great Depression, Wall Street embarked on a stunning, unprecedented, and often bloody period of international expansion in the Caribbean. A host of financial entities sought to control banking, trade, and finance in the region. In the process, they not only trampled local sovereignty, grappled with domestic banking regulation, and backed US imperialism—but they also set the model for bad behavior by banks, visible still today. In Bankers and Empire, Peter James Hudson tells the provocative story of this period, taking a close look at both the institutions and individuals who defined this era of American capitalism in the West Indies. Whether in Wall Street minstrel shows or in dubious practices across the Caribbean, the behavior of the banks was deeply conditioned by bankers’ racial views and prejudices. Drawing deeply on a broad range of sources, Hudson reveals that the banks’ experimental practices and projects in the Caribbean often led to embarrassing failure, and, eventually, literal erasure from the archives.