Enough of the leftist lunatics like Rosie O'Donnell who think "Radical Christians" are "as big a threat to America as Radical Muslims." Enough of the hyperbolic liberal rhetoric comparing Bush to Saddam and Mel Gibson to Hitler. Enough of the hyper-partisan, ultra-PC liberal media, which often seem more sympathetic to the "victims of humiliation" at Abu Ghraib than to our troops dying at the hands of Iraqi fundamentalists. Enough, too, of the gutless wonders on the right who don't have the courage to stand up for their own convictions. Enough of their pandering, trolling for votes, and outspending the Democrats. Now with powerful and provocative new material, Bernard Goldberg's Crazies to the Left of Me, Wimps to the Right sounds an even louder alarm than before—warning that, if the wimps on the right don't regain their courage and reclaim their principles, the crazies on the left just might win the White House in '08.
Stories of religious conversion have been told for millennia. Yet many prominent figures such as Ronald Reagan, Hillary Clinton, and Rick Perry have also used stories of their change from one political worldview to another as a communication strategy aimed at winning the hearts and minds of the public. This book is about political conversion stories in public discourse, in their evolution from and interactions with religion. From a historical perspective, it charts the development of conversion narratives from religious contexts to their contemporary applications as specifically political messages. Since these narratives continue to be used in the culture wars, this book examines several related autobiographies that contributed to the use of this strategy in contemporary U.S. politics. Each case shows how shifts during the postwar period called for conversion texts under varying guises, and illustrates how and why the majority of these stories have been of conversions from the ideological left to the right. Examining political conversion as a form of public persuasion, Political Conversion ultimately provides insight into what these types of civic-religious stories mean for democratic communication and communities.
Former CBS News correspondent Goldberg cites example after example of what he identifies as distorted reporting and asserts that these examples prove the pervasiveness of a liberal bias in the mainstream media. His credibility is diminished by a breathless, scattershot approach and sketchy documentation of examples (many taken out of context); but his points seem to be that attuned citizens will find such examples everywhere they look and that honest journalists should open their eyes. He includes a section of contact information for conservative organizations and think tanks.There is no bibliography. Annotation ¬2004 Book News, Inc., Portland, OR (booknews.com)
Creating Conservatism charts the vital role of canonical post–World War II (1945–1964) books in generating, guiding, and sustaining conservatism as a political force in the United States. Dedicated conservatives have argued for decades that the conservative movement was a product of print, rather than a march, a protest, or a pivotal moment of persecution. The Road to Serfdom, Ideas Have Consequences, Witness, The Conservative Mind, God and Man at Yale, The Conscience of a Conservative, and other mid-century texts became influential not only among conservative office-holders, office-seekers, and well-heeled donors but also at dinner tables, school board meetings, and neighborhood reading groups. These books are remarkable both because they enumerated conservative political positions and because their memorable language demonstrated how to take those positions—functioning, in essence, as debate handbooks. Taking an expansive approach, the author documents the wide influence of the conservative canon on traditionalist and libertarian conservatives. By exploring the varied uses to which each founding text has been put from the Cold War to the culture wars, Creating Conservatism generates original insights about the struggle over what it means to think and speak conservatively in America.
"Amid a 2008 presidential campaign calling for dramatic, often ill-defined "change" - arguing that Americans are clinging to their historic, constitutionally guaranteed rights to bear arms and enjoy religious freedom out of sheer "bitterness" - this analysis compellingly contends that America's social and economic problems stem from too much change already. It maintains that the radical counterculture revolution that set in across college campuses in the 1960s, which has now spilled over into society at large, set the nation on a course of decline paralleling that of ancient Rome." "Drawing heavily upon the vision of the Founding Fathers, it reveals how the ongoing attack on the nation's traditional values has produced cultural and civic alienation and an attendant loss of work ethic - creating a dangerous bureaucratic overstretch whose social welfare costs are now threatening the nation's socioeconmic future."--BOOK JACKET.
"Citizen Soldier Handbook: 101 Ways for Every American to Fight Terrorism" is a How-To Guide for Americans to fight the greatest threat to Western Civilization - Radical Islam. Terrorists declared every man, woman and child to be a target. We have no choice but to become Citizen Soldiers. The Handbook's Five sections - Morale, Intelligence, Physical Training, Mental Training and Action - encourage Americans of all backgrounds, ages, and skills to do their part against Radical Islam. The Citizen Soldier Handbook is a Call to Arms in the spirit of Citizen Soldiers - at Lexington and Concord firing the 'Shot Heard Round the World' - brighten the glow of Freedom from the Torch of Liberty. --- ..". Citizen Soldier Handbook puts this power into the citizen's hands with knowledge about the threat of Radical Islam, how to empower yourself and how to use media to stop the threat of Radical Islam in the age of Information Warfare. This book will inspire you...." -John Ziegler Radio Show Host & Author "The Death of Free Speech" "We are engaged in a great war of Ideas - Freedom versus Tryanny, Democracy versus Islamic Totalitarianism. The weapon of ... is Information. As a writer, I understand the power of Ideas, Information and Humor. The Citizen-Soldier Handbook will help and inspire you, your friends, family, coworkers, fellow Americans to get the word out in dozens of ways." -Burt Prelutsky Former WGA President & Author "Conservatives Are from Mars, Liberals Are from San Francisco: 101 Reasons I'm Happy I Left the Left" "The Citizen-Soldier Handbook is an invaluable resource... at once an exhaustively researched compendium of strategies and a stirring reaffirmation of the meaning of citizenship, it is a clarion call to action in a time when too many have been lulled into a false sense of complacency." -Harry Stein - Author of "How I Accidentally Joined the Vast Right-Wing Conspiracy (and Found Inner Peace)' and is a Contributing Editor to "City Journal" ..".this is more than a handbook. It is a call to action. In this age of information and internet warfare, everyone can be a Citizen Soldier and everyone can join the fight. The Citizen Soldier Handbook will show you the way." -Brandon L. Millett Chairman and Co-Founder, "The GI Film Festival," Washington D.C. The Citizen Soldier Handbook's Five Sections has 101 Actions (even more if you include subheadings ) urging Americans to take action in their Lives, Communities and the World to fight Radical Islam. Morale - Believe in the Greatness of America and Fight For Her Intelligence - Learn about Radical Islam, its Roots, Adherents, Beliefs and Dangers Physical Training - As Physical Beings, We Must Be in Shape to Take Action Mental Training - Steel Yourself for the Mission Ahead. Take Action - Take Action With Suggestions, Ideas, Techniques, Methods and Resources, Organizations and More.... This Book is a Match to Light The Torch of Freedom that You - America's Citizen Soldier - Must Hold High to Stop the Encroaching Darkness. The Fight Is Yours."
An intellectual history of American conservativism since the New Deal. The New Deal fundamentally changed the institutions of American constitutional government and, in turn, the relationship of Americans to their government. Johnathan O'Neill's Conservative Thought and American Constitutionalism since the New Deal examines how various types of conservative thinkers responded to this significant turning point in the second half of the twentieth century. O'Neill identifies four fundamental transformations engendered by the New Deal: the rise of the administrative state, the erosion of federalism, the ascendance of the modern presidency, and the development of modern judicial review. He then considers how various schools of conservative thought (traditionalists, neoconservatives, libertarians, Straussians) responded to these major changes in American politics and culture. Conservatives frequently argued among themselves, and their responses to the New Deal ranged from adaptation to condemnation to political mobilization. Ultimately, the New Deal pulled American governance and society permanently leftward. Although some of the New Deal's liberal gains have been eroded, a true conservative counterrevolution was never, O'Neill argues, a realistic possibility. He concludes with a plea for conservative thinkers to seriously reconsider the role of Congress—a body that is relatively ignored by conservative intellectuals in favor of the courts and the presidency—in America's constitutional order. Conservative Thought and American Constitutionalism since the New Deal explores the scope and significance of conservative constitutional analysis amid the broader field of American political thought.
The 21st-century political landscape has been defined by deep ideological polarization, and as a result scientific inquiry into the psychological mechanisms underlying this divide has taken on increased relevance. The topic is by no means new to social psychology. Classic literature on intergroup conflict shows how pervasive and intractable these group conflicts can be, how readily they can emerge from even minimal group identities, and the hedonic rewards reaped from adopting an "us vs. them" perspective. Indeed, this literature paints a bleak picture for the efficacy of any interventions geared toward reducing intergroup discord. But advances in the psychology of moral judgments and behavior, in particular greater understanding of how moral concerns might inform the creation and stability of political identities, offer new ways forward in understanding partisan divides. This volume brings together leading researchers in moral and political psychology, offering new perspectives on the moral roots of political ideology, and exciting new opportunities for the development of more effective applied interventions.
Would you like to have Thanksgiving without yelling at your uncle about politics? How about spending the day with your in-laws on the opposite side of the aisle without walking on eggshells? Your best friend from high school? Your neighbor? The list goes on. Persuade, Don’t Preach gives you tools to have productive conversations with those you don’t agree with. Description As a society, we’ve become so polarized, we barely know how to talk to each other anymore. When we disagree, we often preach. And then the other person freezes or explodes. We wind up even more polarized than we were to begin with. What’s the key to get past this? It all comes down to persuading instead of preaching. Karen Tibbals distills the latest social science research to create a practical plan for talking to others in a respectful way — a way that enables people to get past their differences. Persuade, Don’t Preach explains why people differ, why particular groups of people focus on certain issues, and why what the typical tactics simply don’t work. This knowledge will foster empathy and help you develop a plan for approaching people you disagree with in a way that restores civility and allows them to listen.
"Talk radio hosts seem to believe conservatives are from Mars and liberals are from Venus-two different species, in other words. Ron Lipsman's new book uses a mix of rational analysis and personal history to suggest there may be deeper psychological laws at work here that help shape our worldviews. He's on to something " -Elias Crim, Publishing Consultant. Professor Lipsman argues for a correlation between age and political philosophy, which asserts that young people tend to gravitate toward liberalism while older people are usually more comfortable with conservatism; and that, additionally, among the people who change their political preference over time, more go from liberal to conservative than vice versa; and finally, he assesses the strengths of these trends; examines the most interesting counter-examples to these trends--namely, premature conservatives and aging liberals-and explains what motivates them; presents a history of the liberal/conservative divide in America and then augments it with an assessment of its current status as well as a prediction of its future; "An insightful and witty examination of the values and beliefs that divide liberals and conservatives in America today. A penetrating look at the concept of the 'aging liberal', especially as it pertains to the Jewish and academic communities." -Bruce Bartlett, nationally syndicated columnist
